Noel Malcolm: “Kosovo – A Short History”, 1999. A history written with an attempt to support Albanian territorial claims in the Balkans (Fourth part)

Ema Miljkovic-Bojanic, M. A.
Institute of History of
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
Belgrade, 2000

Malcolm’s Apology of the “Pax Ottomana”

 

(Ab)using of historiography and historical facts for political ends is not a novelty introduced towards the end of the twentieth century. Its instances have been known throughout history, so that “practically there is not a single epoch of human history that was not controlled – by the Church, state, nation, party, leadership…” But precisely at a time when historiography seemed to be getting rid, at least partly, of the grip of “supervision” and when a critical approach was getting the upper hand, the inclusion of Noel Malcolm’s works in catalogues and their placing on library shelves has marked a long step back.

The books by the English publicist Noel Malcolm, the first one dealing with the history of Bosnia and the second, about to be discussed, dealing with the history of Kosovo since the early Middle Ages up to most recent times, represent the most flagrant instances of historiographical work written “to order” in which almost all phenomena and events are seen in a distorted way, so that the impression made is quite untrue. Yet someone evidently needs such a picture of the history of certain regions and the people living in them.

All of a sudden “promoted”, a few years ago, into an unavoidable expert for the history of the Balkans, Noel Malcom undoubtedly exerted a certain effort writing his history of Kosovo by way of consulting the literature and published sources relevant to the subject of his research. And here, at once, we are confused. Judging by his biography, he has never had a chance to learn the Serb or Albanian languages, yet he quotes from the voluminous literature and published in these two languages! The question arises as a matter of course: is it possible within only two years during which the books was being written he was able to master these not in the least easy languages, or had he to have “assistants” to get him introduced into the achievements of Serb and Albanian historiography? Be that as it may, however, Malcolm, carefully tearing facts out of their real context and placing them into altogether arbitrary frameworks, does his best throughout his presentation to prove a single preset thesis: that the Serbs cannot claim the area of Kosovo and Metohija either historically or ethnically, as well as that they have for centuries been the privileged population and a menace to other peoples living there, particularly to the Albanians, of course. One must confess that he does this very skillfully so that the poorly informed reader, for whom the book is primarily meant, will consider it as a work on the basis of relevant historical evidence and relying on the existing scholarly insights in this field. However, a somewhat more attentive reading will enable even that average reader, perhaps possessing no knowledge of Serb or Albanian history, to see that the author disavows some of his own attitudes, contradicting himself.

The very title of the chapter presenting the circumstances in this, southern province of Serbia immediately after the Serb lands were occupied by the Ottomans, shows the superficial and non-professional approach of Malcolm to his theme which he has chosen considering himself a veritable polyhistorian and sufficiently professional to present a complex, over ten centuries long history of an area. Namely, he speaks of the “early-Ottoman Kosovo” at a time when the name “Kosovo” is non-existent as the name for the area. To be precise, under Ottoman rule the territory of the present-day Kosovo and Metohija was divided into a number of Ottoman administrative units, the Vucitrn, Dukagjin, Prizren and Skadar sandzaks.

But let us leave the term “Kosovo” aside. Even if we agree that it can by used with its current connotation, its use must be accounted for, because as it is it undoubtedly makes the desired impression – that Kosovo has always been a unit autonomous in relation to the rest of the Serbian state.

In contrast to the major part of the book which is teeming with imprecise data, inaccurate assertions and even fabricated facts, the part of the book dealing with the early centuries of Ottoman rule in these areas, some fundamental principles of Ottoman rule as a whole are presented correctly though rather superficially (e.g. timar, zeamet and has, spahi cavalrymen). Nevertheless, though the author himself points out that the main intention of his book is to make a breakthrough in the study of the Ottoman Empire, that is to present new research results in European Ottoman studies, in which important advances are being made, it is impossible to overlook that Malcolm was strikingly choosy in selecting which of those new insights to use. After all, the very selection of literature demonstrates that the aim of the author of the Short History of Kosovo was not to get to the heart of the events but only to find arguments supporting a desired proposition. How else can one explain why he relies on the works by Fikret Adanir, for instance, and fails to mention the excellent history of the Ottoman Empire published in 1989 in Paris, which is a result of the collective effort of an entire team of well-known French Ottoman students (the book is the work of Jean-Louis-Bacque-Grammont, Louis Bazin, Irene Baldiceanu, Nicoara Beldiceanu, Robert Mantran, Nicol Vatin, Gilles Veinstein – to mention only some of the authors) trying to objectively fathom the long and complex history of that Empire.

The basis on which N. Malcolm builds the entire chapter dealing with Kosovo from 1450 to 1580 is the theory of the so-called pax ottomana. This theory is not of quite a recent date and so it has not earned a place in critical historiography, yet it is frequently used for political ends. Throughout the book, Malcolm intends to demonstrate that the Ottoman Empire, particularly in the early centuries of its rule in the Balkans, represented the ideal of state organization, in which all peoples living within its borders enjoyed full legal and religious rights. Criticizing the dark picture of the centuries long Ottoman rule drawn in the Balkan countries, Malcolm claims that it is a “rude anachronism” to call the “Ottoman system” in its early period chaotic and tyrannical”. The Ottoman government of the Balkans in its early years (that is, at least until the end of the sixteenth century) was a well-regulated system of rule, and the conditions of life it produced compared favourably in many ways with those of the rest of Europe.” No serious student of the history of the Ottoman Empire will as much as try to challenge the fact that the organization of the Empire, whose power was ascending in the sixteenth century, cannot be compared to the anarchic conditions of the Dying Empire in the nineteenth century. Nor is the idealized picture acceptable, of course, which Malcolm is trying to draw. The main characteristic of the government of the Ottoman sultans during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was pragmatism, and it is through this prism that all their actions in relation to their subjects – both good and bad ones – are to be seen. The fact has always to borne in mind that the Ottoman Empire was in the first place an Islamic state with a strict religious hierarchy in which non-Muslims were second-class citizens. After all, if everything in the Ottoman Empire was so ideal, why did so exceptionally intense manifestations of the “Turkish fear” flood the rest of Europe which, manifestations which, even if sometimes exaggerated, did not occur without grounds in reality. After all, taking away of Serb male children that is recruiting them as janissaries (even Noel Malcolm describes this), mistreating of women and girls as well as forcible dislocation of entire groups of Serb population – are these not sufficient to make Malcolm’s claims relative and suspect at least, if not to annul them?

Noel Malcolm takes the liberty to deny, by some of his claims, all the existing analyses of reputable Ottoman scholars describing the peculiarities the state and social organization introduced by Ottoman authorities in the occupied countries. So he claims: “Far from imposing an utterly alien system, the Ottoman Empire did in fact preserve and develop many of the features of life – administrative, social, ceremonial and so on-which it found in its conquered Christian states.” It seems that Malcolm has almost no knowledge of the traits of the Ottoman timar system, whose basis – the institution of state-owned land – had no counterpart in any other feudal society. The fact that into the timer system some institutions taken over from medieval Serbian or Byzantine governmental structure were adroitly incorporated does not imply that the new masters of the Serbian lands maintained old relationships based on land property or that they borrowed a model of state administration. Serbian lands, the present-day Kosovo and Metohija among them, made up a part of the Islamic-military Ottoman Empire whose leaders, at least in the earliest centuries, sufficiently pragmatic as they were, did not break off all ties with the former governmental structure, retaining those regulations and laws that had been unknown to them (such as Stefan Lazarevic’s Mining Law), or those that fitted their needs (so, for instance, planning to inhabit the uninhabited border areas along the Danube with as many cattlebreeding Serbs as possible, they retained the so called Despot’s Kanun for the Vlachs, to be repealed as soon as the Smederevo sancak ceased to be a border area). In the opinion of Nicoara Beldiceanu, the Ottomans inherited their original governmental structure from Seljuks and the emirates emerging in their territories. Conquering Byzantine, Serbian and Bulgarian territories, they encountered legal customs diametrically opposed to those resulting from the Islamic creed, and that induced their pragmatic rulers to grant certain concessions. That, again, is not in collision with the seriat law, because this law entitles the ruler to institute a new law or regulation if the Islamic religious law cannot cope with a given situation. Taking into account all this, Beldiceanu arrives at an unequivocal conclusion: after all, the new masters brought with them a new life style into their conquered lands.

A great novelty in the historiography dealing with Ottoman occupation not only of southern Serbia but also of the entire Balkans is Malcolm’s energetic claim that “the early Ottoman state was not based on the distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims.” As a proof for this claim, which he does not tone down though in the same chapter he had stated that in the Ottoman Empire “Christians in general certainly acquired a second-class status”, he refers to a great number of Christian spahis who in the fifteenth century served as Ottoman cavalrymen. Namely, during their conquests, the Turks did not destroy all of the former feudal nobility. Particularly the petty nobility was spared, so that the agents of the Turkish timar system during its establishment in Balkan countries were not Muslims alone. At this time, the Turks did not do anything that could estrange lower Christian nobility from them, because it had to function as a link between the new authorities and the subjugated population. This attitude of the Ottomans was called for by their need to stabilize and safe-guard their power over the conquered peoples. However, in spite of their effort to integrate the entire medieval Serbian nobility into their feudal system, they were aware of the fact that this stratum could not be trusted unreservedly and that its member could at any moment turn their backs and escape into Hungary. It is probably this that accounts for a phenomenon widely spread during the entire latter half of the fifteenth century: that Christian spahis do figure within the timar system, but the majority of them held timars yielding very low incomes.

Had he aspired to be an objective historian, Malcolm would have first found out for himself and then described to the reader that the size of this stratum of Christian spahis, though important in the military sense, was small in number not only in relation to the rest of the Orthodox population but also in relation to the numbers of Muslim timar holders. For instance, the number of Christian spahis in Brankovic territory, according to a 1455 register, was 27 (less then 5%), as compared to 170 Muslim timar holders whose estates yielded incomparably higher incomes.

Malcolm does not mention the well known fact that not only in the Balkans but also in the entire Ottoman Empire there was a great difference between the taxes paid by Muslim and those paid by Christian population. Namely, all Muslims were exempt from harac (land-tax), which represented the basic obligation of Christian population, because through harac payment the supreme authority of the Ottoman ruler was acknowledged. In our lands this tax was called carska glavnica (the emperor’s tax) because it was collected per capita and went directly to the ruler. The tax called spence, however, belonged to the spahi. Harac was paid annually by every male Serb who was in good health and for work, if he was not engaged in any sort of the military service. Exemption from harac was effected through a special decree issued by the ruler, and thereby the status of a member of the soldier-class (askeri) was acquired. Harac payment involved obedience and loyalty as well as the conduct conforming to the status of raya.

There are historians, such as the above quoted Nicoara Beldiceanu, who claim that precisely this taxation system, based as it was on the distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims, was the reason that in the early centuries of Ottoman rule there were no massive conversions in the Serb lands. Namely, according to a number of acceptable estimates, around 1500 in the Ottoman Empire there were 894,432 Christian households, so that had they all converted to Islam, the Porte would have lost circa 2.80 kilograms of gold. Taking into account the above mentioned pragmatic character of the Ottoman sultans in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, this argument of N. Beldiceanu seems to be quite acceptable.

As an additional proof in favour of the thesis that Christians in the Ottoman Empire enjoyed special privileges, Malcolm describes the “privileged” groups, including in their number voynuks, martoloses, derbends. It is true, of course, that these groups enjoyed certain tax advantages in return for their military services. Yet, though the taxes paid by these “privileged” groups were substantially lower than the duties paid by common raya, taking into account the difficulties of their services and responsbility, we think that their position was by no means a comfortable one. So a kanun-nama for the Vidin sandzak from the time of Murat III says that “life and estates”of derbend villagers are at stake if the safety of travellers is jeopardized, so that it is quite certain that the groups in question cannot be considered as “specially privileged”. Nevertheless, the tributes imposed on which common raya were an unbearable burden, so that entire settlements accepted special duties and responsibilities and did their best to maintain that status.

Speaking of the position of the Serb Orthodox Church, its clergy and believers, Malcolm claims that this Church enjoeyd “a particularly favoured position”. He tries to convince the reader that the evidence of the destruction of Orthodox church buildings or their conversion into mosques is overestimated, because “in towns that were conquered after refusing to surrender, churches could be converted into mosques” but “there was no systematic take-over”. It seems that Malcolm is not aware – though he is expected to be if he wanted deal with this issue seriously – of the opinion of the German Ottoman scholar Biswanger, who seems to have given its most dependable interpretation. To be more precise, Biswanger says that “in towns which they conquered, the Turks converted main churches into mosques, whereas smaller churches were awarded the rights of zimmi.” According to the acceptable conclusion of O. Zirojevic, from whose works, for instance, Malcolm quotes only superficially and pulling out of the context parts fitting his preset thesis, it was done because thereby it was made known that Islam was the ruing religion and that the zimmi were of an inferior standing, though the propaganda effect itself of mosques emerging in towns right after their conquest should not be ignored. Namely, the erection of a large mosque might have taken years, whereas interior modelling of an already existing church was less time consuming and cheaper. On the other hand, Malcolm’s claim that only those churches were converted into mosques which resisted is unfounded, as shown by instances such as the town of Smederevo, which surrendered without resistance, but about which the Turkish chronicler wrote the following: “The bells in Smederevo bled to death. The churches were torn down and mesdzids put up instead.”

However, the culmination of Malcolm’s cynicism and arbitrariness represents his claim that Kosovo is “an Ottoman territory par excellence”, that the city of Prizren is one “of the most fascinatingly Ottoman places left in the world”. Malcolm obviously does not know or does not want to know the history of Prizren, which is one of the most significant medieval Serbian towns, a town whose development starts as early as the early thirteenth century. Even a hasty look at a map showing the Serbian churches and monasteries in the area of the present-day Kosovo suffices to see that there are absolutely no grounds for viewing this southern Serbian province as an “Ottoman” region

What is to be said in the end? – What remains to us is to express our hope that this trend in world so-called “historiography” will end with Noel Malcolm and that, at least among really professional historians, scientific values will prevail.

FOOTNOTES:

1. D. Stankovic, Lj. Dimic, Istoriografija pod nadzorom I, Belgrade 1996, 20.
2. So, for example, academician S. Cirkovic, in his excellent synthetic work dealing with Kosovo in the Middle Ages, insists and constantly emphasizes the fact that he discusses the medieval part of the present-day Kosovo, this being quite clear from the title of the work itself. See: Srednjovekovna proslost danasnjeg Kosova XV-1, Belgrade 1985, 149-166,
3. N. Malcolm, Kosovo. A Short History, London, 1998, XXXV.
4. Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, sous la direction de Robert Mantran, Fayard, Paris, 1989.
5. For criticism of this theory see: M. Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, Belgrade, 1999, 283.
6. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 93-94,
7. M. Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, Belgrade, 1999, 280.
8. That phenomenon is discussed quite summarily but tellingly by the Turkish chronicler Dursun-Bey, a highly educated man in his time (he lived around the mid-15th century), who wrote a history of the Ottoman Empire between 1442 and 1487. Namely, he says: “And Serb girls are such that one cannot stop finding pleasure in them, no matter how much one already did so. Whereas those who happened to take pleasure in Serb boyfriends would be ready to give up a hundred, perhaps a thousand of other delights, and would even readily lose their soul. So many of them were taken away then (during the raid on Serbia in 1454 – note by E. M.-B.), that their numbers couldn’t be counted.” G. Elezovic, Turski izvori za istoriju Jugoslovena, BratstvoXXVI, Belgrade 1932.
9. Namely, forcible discolations were designed in order to secure the influx of population into conquered territories, but since the earliest conquests the population from conquered territories was dislocated to Anatolia for security, economic and political reasons. See more details on this in: F. Emedzen, Istorija jedne migracije s pocetka XVI stoljeca: sremski izgnanici na Galipolju, Istorijski casopis XLII-XLIII (1995-1996), Belgrade 1997, 237-253.
10. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 93-94.
11. N. Beldeceanu, L’organisation de l’Empire Ottoman (XIV-XV siecles), [in:] Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, Fayard, Paris 1989, 117-119; 137-138.
12. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 97
13. Ibid, 94.
14. Only nine of those Christian spahis held timars worth 2-6,000 akces. Three were registered as old timar holders, and two were voynuk units (lagatori). The remaining 16 timars were small estates worth up to 1,000 akces, and each of those timars was jointly held by 2-5 timar holders. See more details on this B. Durdev, Hriscani-spahije u severnoj Srbiji u XV veku, Godisnjak drustva istoricara BIH IV, Sarajevo 1952, 165-169; E. Miljkovic, Prilog proucavanju pocetaka islamizacije u Branicevu 1467-1476. Godine, Zbornik Matice Srpske za istoriju 47-48, Novi Sad 1993, 125-135.
15. The spahi tax (ispence) was paid by all elders of the Christian households across the Balkans, as a substitute for corvee. It resulted from their being dependent on the land owner. Until the end of the sixteenth century it amounted to 25 akces. Destitute, blind, lame and maimed people were exempt from this tax, whereas widows, who were generally poor, paid lower ispences. The Muslim raya, who were farmers, paid a tax called reism-i cift amounting to 22 akces. For a more detailed description see: G. Veinstein, Une “econome-monde” sous le controle de l’Etat, [inI] Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, Paris 1989, 212.
16. N. Beldiceanu, Peuplement, turquisation et islamisation, [in] Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, Paris 1989, 136.
17. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 102.
18. Ibid, 109.
19. Ibid, 108.
20. O. Zirojevic, Crkve i manastiri na podrucju Pecke patrijarsije do 1683. godine, Belgrade, 1984, 23-24.
21. Ibid, 24.
22. N. Malcom, Kosovo, XXXV.
23. O. Zirojevic, Prizren, la ville de la continuite [in] La culture urbaine des Balkans (X-XIX siecles) 3, Belgrad-Paris, 1991, 87-93.


Source: www.kosovo.net

Save

Save 

RELATED POSTS
The Role of the Catholic Church in Yugoslavia’s Holocaust
Adolf Hitler and Ante Pavelić. Not many people know about the Ustaše and its leader, Ante Pavelić. Before 1941, the organization was a radical fascist terrorist group. But when Axis powers invaded, it was given control of Croatia by the Nazis. They shared Hitler’s goal of ethnic cleansing During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, Catholic priests and Muslim clerics were willing accomplices in the genocide of the nation’s Serbian, Jewish and Roma population. From 1941 until 1945, the Nazi-installed regime of Ante Pavelic in Croatia carried out some of the most horrific crimes of the Holocaust (known as the Porajmos ...
READ MORE
Serbia and the Balkans Wars: The Future Belongs to Those Who Do Not Surrender
Kosovo Muslim Albanian jihad fighters in the Middle East as ISIS members (2016) How accurate is the theory that there are tragic events of exceptional strength that really shape the identity of a nation? How is this happening and what if we do not learn a lesson out of those experiences? – The prominent French writer Renan wrote in his lecture “What is a Nation?” that people are often connected by memories of shared suffering, and Serbs are no exception. Today, when Yugoslavia is no more, there is no reason why Jasenovac should not be brought back to the center of the ...
READ MORE
Videos On Ex-Yugoslavia: Reverse Side Of The Truth
Four Serbian monasteries from the Middle Ages in Kosovo and Metohija still not destroyed by local Albanians Четири српска средњевековна манастира на Косову и Метохији која још увек нису срушена од стране месних Шиптара U.S.A. documentary movie about the fabricated lies by Bosnian Muslims and Croats about the civil war in Titoist Bosnia & Herzegovina and Croatia during the time of the destruction of Yugoslavia, 1991-1995. This documentary movie (26 min.) was never publically shown. Документарни филм у трајању од 26 минута производње Сједињених америчких држава о исфабрикованим лажима од стране босанских муслимана и Хрвата о грађанском рату на просторима титоистичке Босне и ...
READ MORE
A “Magnum Crimen” – The Book
Magnum Crimen the book about clericalism in Croatia from the end of 19th century until the end of the Second World War. The book, whose full title is Magnum crimen – pola vijeka klerikalizma u Hrvatskoj (The Great Crime – a half-century of clericalism in Croatia), was written by a former Catholic priest and professor and historian at Belgrade University, Viktor Novak (1889–1977). The book was first published in Zagreb in 1948. Immediately after the book was published, the Vatican Curia placed this book on the Index Librorum Prohibitorum (English: List of Prohibited Books) and pronounced anathema against the author. Background Novak wrote a ...
READ MORE
Donald Trump’s Foreign Policy Adviser: Al-Qaeda Destroyed The Serbian Army In Kosovo
Republican presidential candidate, Donald Trump, published the list of his foreign policy advisers. One of them, claim the US media, is the worst choice possible. The list of advisers is headed by Senator Jeff Sessions, and includes Keith Kellogg, Carter Page, George Papadopoulos, Walid Phares and Joseph E. Schmitz. Phares is the former adviser to another presidential candidate, Mitt Romney. Phares is described as a neo-conservative and “an academic who is involved in Christian militia wing of the civil war in Lebanon”. US media deemed Phares as an inappropriate analyst of US foreign policy, while one of his statements that is being considered unfitting is regarding NATO’s bombing of Serbia ...
READ MORE
Twenty Principal Misconceptions About The Kosovo Issue
1. Kosovo issue is a conflict between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs over the territory Wrong: It is a part of the conflict between Balkan Albanians and the surrounding populations, in Montenegro, Serbia, Macedonia and Greece (ex. clashes between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia from 1991 onward including and open rebellion in 2001 & 2015 2. The issue is a fight of Albanians for their political rights Wrong: The crux of the matter lies at the biological level. The real rationale is a demographic explosion which is going on within the Albanian population for a century or so (rate of growth by Albanians ...
READ MORE
Western Intelligence Operation “Kosovo Liberation Army” Harvested Serbs’ Organs – The EU’s inquiry
An inquiry by the EU has found “compelling indications” that ten Serb captives had their body organs harvested for illegal trafficking during the 1998-99 Kosovo war. However, it wasn’t widespread and there will be no trial, the lead investigator said. The chief prosecutor Clint Williamson, who led the investigation, said there was no evidence of widespread organ harvesting, but that the crime had occurred a number of times. “There are compelling indications that this practice did occur on a very limited scale and that a small number of individuals were killed for the purpose of extracting and trafficking their organs,” he told ...
READ MORE
Kosovo history – Second part
Kosovo and Metohia, two central regions of perennial Serbia, are the very essence of Serbian spiritual, cultural identity and statehood since Middle Ages to date. Fertile and clement planes of Kosovo with mild climate, and reach in water resources, with high mountain chains bordering with Albania have been good-blessed environment for a fruitful development of the highest achievements in all fields in medieval Serbia. The cultural and demographic strength of the Serbs is best illustrated by the presence of 1.500 monuments of Serbian culture identified so far. Numerous outstanding noble Serbian families used to live in these regions, as families ...
READ MORE
Kosovo History – Fourth Part
The Serbs stepped again onto the historical scene in the years of the European wars that swept the continent from the forests of Ireland to the walls of Constantinople in the late 17th century. The Turks finally withdrew from Hungary and Transylvania when their Ottoman hordes were routed outside Vienna in 1683. The disintegration of Ottoman rule in the southwest limbered up the Serbs, arousing in them hope that the moment was ripe for joint effort to break Turkish dominion in the Balkans. The neighboring Christian powers (Austria and Venice) were the only possible allies. The arrival of the Austrian ...
READ MORE
The Pope Оpenly Еmbraced Kosovo Secession in 1993
I. Comment by Jared Israel The two media reports from 1993, posted below, refer to Ibrahim Rugova as “President of the Republic of Kosovo,” when in fact: a) no such republic existed; b) Kosovo was a province of the Republic of Serbia and c) Rugova was not any kind of government official, let alone a president. Rather, he was the leader of a faction, supported and sponsored by outside powers, which faction had already played a key role in launching the attack on Yugoslavia, and which was now boycotting all official Kosovo institutions as part of a strategy of creating a ...
READ MORE
Why Is NATO In Yugoslavia?
Editor’s Note This paper was presented by the late Sean Gervasi at the Conference on the Enlargement of NATO in Eastern Europe and the Mediterrenean, Prague, 13-14 January 1996. It was published on Global Research when the Global Research website was launched on September 9, 2001. The late Sean Gervasi had tremendous foresight. He understood the process of NATO enlargement several years before it actually unfolded into a formidable military force.  He had also predicted the breakup of Yugoslavia as part of a US-NATO project. See also Sean Gervasi’s 1993 video interview Introduction The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has recently sent a large task force into ...
READ MORE
Countries Destroyed By Hillary Clinton
In an email sent to his business partner and Democratic fundraiser Jeffrey Leeds, former Secretary of State Colin Powell wrote of Hillary Clinton, “Everything HRC touches she kind of screws up with hubris.” Clinton’s tenure as Secretary of State during Barack Obama’s first term was an unmitigated disaster for many nations around the world. Neither the Donald Trump campaign nor the corporate media have adequately described how a number of countries around the world suffered horribly from Mrs. Clinton’s foreign policy decisions. Millions of people were adversely harmed by Clinton’s misguided policies and her “play-to-pay” operations involving favors in return for donations ...
READ MORE
Kosovo History – Fifth Part
The series of long-scale Christian national movements in the Balkans, triggered off by 1804 Serbian revolution, decided more than in the earlier centuries, the fate of Serbs and made ethnic Albanians (about 70% of whom were Muslims) the main guardians of Turkish order in the European provinces of Ottoman Empire. At a time when the Eastern question was again being raised, particularly in the final quarter of 19th and the first decade of 20th century, Islamic Albanians were the chief instrument of Turkey’s policy in crushing the liberation movements of other Balkan states. After the congress of Berlin (1878) an ...
READ MORE
Syrian rebels get arms from Kosovo and Bosnia
The DEBKA website, close to Israeli military intelligence, knows well all the behind the curtain details of regional politics. A few days ago it reported about basically new turns of the way the events unfold in Syria. According to it, the Syrian extremists received a load of heavy weapons for the first time since the war started. The senders are the groups from Kosovo and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina linked to Al Qaeda. The package includes Kornet and Fagot anti-tank systems delivered by the Soviet Union to former Yugoslavia in the past. The weapons ended up in the ...
READ MORE
Bosnian Muslim Genocide Over The Serbs In Srebrenica And Her Vicinity in 1992-1995 (Photo Album)
A Serb from Bosnia, General Mladic, protected Muslims civilians and gave them buses, food and water for to leave fighting zones (as you can see). There was no genocide over Muslim population in Srebrenica like main stream media want you to believe – there was no genocide over Bosniaks because all Bosnian Muslims victims were jihad fighters who had been killed during fight (in war). Even the so called „tribunal“ in The Hague for ex-Yugoslavia admitted that there was no genocide! Now,  you can see here how djihadistes have treated the Serbian population – the content is very hard, not for ...
READ MORE
Muslim Albanian Women from Kosovo are Training ISIS Terrorists
Accoring to the “Zeri” news agency from the city of Priština, women who join the Islamic state are mostly 23 years of age, and before joining them they were “modern girls“. One of them is Laura Huseni who was, according to the editor-in-chief of the “Zeri” magazine, a typical teenage girl from Kosovo who used to go out and have fun with her mates. – She would take a cab and go with her friends for a drink. She used to dress like all her friends, she would wear skirts of jeans. She was very modern – said Faik Ukasmajli, whose son married ...
READ MORE
Documentary film “Stolen Kosovo” (The Czech Republic)
The truth about Kosovo and Metochia. This documentary film was made by the Czech Republic TV and banned in all mainstream globalist media in western countries. It will reveal to you the horrifying story of Kosovo that nobody ever wanted to tell you and debunking all hoaxes, lies and propaganda NATO used for trigger events... In 1999 NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days and destroyed everything on its way bridges,hospitals,schools, telecommunicat­ion buildings, military bases...killing more than 2.500 and wound more than 5.000 civilians. One of the reasons why NATO bombed Serbia is to build the biggest military base in Albania, so they can move ...
READ MORE
Great Powers Rivalry and the Emergence of Albania in 1912-1913
The Great Powers installed a German army officer, a German Prince William, Wilhelm of Wied, Germany, as the first recognized ruler of an “independent” Albania, a puppet or proxy regime or government set up by the Great Powers. In many ways, the conflict between the Great Powers and Serbia over Albania in 1912-1913 prefigured and foreshadowed and was the precursor of the open conflict over Kosovo beginning in 1998. Albania achieved independence only because Serbia and the other Balkan League powers were able to defeat Ottoman Turkey militarily. The Great Powers immediately established a protectorate in Albania and planned to use ...
READ MORE
The Killing of Serbian Children in Kosovo: The Story of a Survivor
At the age of 15 on a riverbank he was shot eight times just for being Serbian. He survived and a few days later during the religious holiday of Transfiguration he was out of his coma. But until now he has not received an answer to his question: who shot the children bathing in the river near the Kosovo village of Gorazdevac on August 13, 2003? In his interview to the Voice of Russia Bogdan Bukumiric tells a wonderful story of his rescue. “It is not so scary to die as to be buried alive” – this is the inscription on ...
READ MORE
The Role of the Catholic Church in Yugoslavia’s Holocaust
Serbia and the Balkans Wars: The Future Belongs to Those Who Do Not Surrender
Videos On Ex-Yugoslavia: Reverse Side Of The Truth
A “Magnum Crimen” – The Book
Donald Trump’s Foreign Policy Adviser: Al-Qaeda Destroyed The Serbian Army In Kosovo
Twenty Principal Misconceptions About The Kosovo Issue
Western Intelligence Operation “Kosovo Liberation Army” Harvested Serbs’ Organs – The EU’s inquiry
Kosovo history – Second part
Kosovo History – Fourth Part
“March Pogrom” in Kosovo
The Pope Оpenly Еmbraced Kosovo Secession in 1993
Why Is NATO In Yugoslavia?
Countries Destroyed By Hillary Clinton
Kosovo History – Fifth Part
Syrian rebels get arms from Kosovo and Bosnia
Bosnian Muslim Genocide Over The Serbs In Srebrenica And Her Vicinity in 1992-1995 (Photo Album)
Muslim Albanian Women from Kosovo are Training ISIS Terrorists
Documentary film “Stolen Kosovo” (The Czech Republic)
Great Powers Rivalry and the Emergence of Albania in 1912-1913
The Killing of Serbian Children in Kosovo: The Story of a Survivor

  • Noel
    Malcolm: “Kosovo – A Short History”, 1999. A history written with an
    attempt to support Albanian territorial claims in the Balkans (Fourth
    part)