Noel Malcolm: “Kosovo – A Short History”, 1999. A History Written With an Attempt to Support Albanian Territorial Claims in the Balkans (Fourth Part)

Hits: 943

Ema Miljkovic-Bojanic, M. A.
Institute of History of
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
Belgrade, 2000

Malcolm’s Apology of the “Pax Ottomana”

 

(Ab)using of historiography and historical facts for political ends is not a novelty introduced towards the end of the twentieth century. Its instances have been known throughout history, so that “practically there is not a single epoch of human history that was not controlled – by the Church, state, nation, party, leadership…” But precisely at a time when historiography seemed to be getting rid, at least partly, of the grip of “supervision” and when a critical approach was getting the upper hand, the inclusion of Noel Malcolm’s works in catalogues and their placing on library shelves has marked a long step back.

The books by the English publicist Noel Malcolm, the first one dealing with the history of Bosnia and the second, about to be discussed, dealing with the history of Kosovo since the early Middle Ages up to most recent times, represent the most flagrant instances of historiographical work written “to order” in which almost all phenomena and events are seen in a distorted way, so that the impression made is quite untrue. Yet someone evidently needs such a picture of the history of certain regions and the people living in them.

All of a sudden “promoted”, a few years ago, into an unavoidable expert for the history of the Balkans, Noel Malcom undoubtedly exerted a certain effort writing his history of Kosovo by way of consulting the literature and published sources relevant to the subject of his research. And here, at once, we are confused. Judging by his biography, he has never had a chance to learn the Serb or Albanian languages, yet he quotes from the voluminous literature and published in these two languages! The question arises as a matter of course: is it possible within only two years during which the books was being written he was able to master these not in the least easy languages, or had he to have “assistants” to get him introduced into the achievements of Serb and Albanian historiography? Be that as it may, however, Malcolm, carefully tearing facts out of their real context and placing them into altogether arbitrary frameworks, does his best throughout his presentation to prove a single preset thesis: that the Serbs cannot claim the area of Kosovo and Metohija either historically or ethnically, as well as that they have for centuries been the privileged population and a menace to other peoples living there, particularly to the Albanians, of course. One must confess that he does this very skillfully so that the poorly informed reader, for whom the book is primarily meant, will consider it as a work on the basis of relevant historical evidence and relying on the existing scholarly insights in this field. However, a somewhat more attentive reading will enable even that average reader, perhaps possessing no knowledge of Serb or Albanian history, to see that the author disavows some of his own attitudes, contradicting himself.

The very title of the chapter presenting the circumstances in this, southern province of Serbia immediately after the Serb lands were occupied by the Ottomans, shows the superficial and non-professional approach of Malcolm to his theme which he has chosen considering himself a veritable polyhistorian and sufficiently professional to present a complex, over ten centuries long history of an area. Namely, he speaks of the “early-Ottoman Kosovo” at a time when the name “Kosovo” is non-existent as the name for the area. To be precise, under Ottoman rule the territory of the present-day Kosovo and Metohija was divided into a number of Ottoman administrative units, the Vucitrn, Dukagjin, Prizren and Skadar sandzaks.

But let us leave the term “Kosovo” aside. Even if we agree that it can by used with its current connotation, its use must be accounted for, because as it is it undoubtedly makes the desired impression – that Kosovo has always been a unit autonomous in relation to the rest of the Serbian state.

In contrast to the major part of the book which is teeming with imprecise data, inaccurate assertions and even fabricated facts, the part of the book dealing with the early centuries of Ottoman rule in these areas, some fundamental principles of Ottoman rule as a whole are presented correctly though rather superficially (e.g. timar, zeamet and has, spahi cavalrymen). Nevertheless, though the author himself points out that the main intention of his book is to make a breakthrough in the study of the Ottoman Empire, that is to present new research results in European Ottoman studies, in which important advances are being made, it is impossible to overlook that Malcolm was strikingly choosy in selecting which of those new insights to use. After all, the very selection of literature demonstrates that the aim of the author of the Short History of Kosovo was not to get to the heart of the events but only to find arguments supporting a desired proposition. How else can one explain why he relies on the works by Fikret Adanir, for instance, and fails to mention the excellent history of the Ottoman Empire published in 1989 in Paris, which is a result of the collective effort of an entire team of well-known French Ottoman students (the book is the work of Jean-Louis-Bacque-Grammont, Louis Bazin, Irene Baldiceanu, Nicoara Beldiceanu, Robert Mantran, Nicol Vatin, Gilles Veinstein – to mention only some of the authors) trying to objectively fathom the long and complex history of that Empire.

The basis on which N. Malcolm builds the entire chapter dealing with Kosovo from 1450 to 1580 is the theory of the so-called pax ottomana. This theory is not of quite a recent date and so it has not earned a place in critical historiography, yet it is frequently used for political ends. Throughout the book, Malcolm intends to demonstrate that the Ottoman Empire, particularly in the early centuries of its rule in the Balkans, represented the ideal of state organization, in which all peoples living within its borders enjoyed full legal and religious rights. Criticizing the dark picture of the centuries long Ottoman rule drawn in the Balkan countries, Malcolm claims that it is a “rude anachronism” to call the “Ottoman system” in its early period chaotic and tyrannical”. The Ottoman government of the Balkans in its early years (that is, at least until the end of the sixteenth century) was a well-regulated system of rule, and the conditions of life it produced compared favourably in many ways with those of the rest of Europe.” No serious student of the history of the Ottoman Empire will as much as try to challenge the fact that the organization of the Empire, whose power was ascending in the sixteenth century, cannot be compared to the anarchic conditions of the Dying Empire in the nineteenth century. Nor is the idealized picture acceptable, of course, which Malcolm is trying to draw. The main characteristic of the government of the Ottoman sultans during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was pragmatism, and it is through this prism that all their actions in relation to their subjects – both good and bad ones – are to be seen. The fact has always to borne in mind that the Ottoman Empire was in the first place an Islamic state with a strict religious hierarchy in which non-Muslims were second-class citizens. After all, if everything in the Ottoman Empire was so ideal, why did so exceptionally intense manifestations of the “Turkish fear” flood the rest of Europe which, manifestations which, even if sometimes exaggerated, did not occur without grounds in reality. After all, taking away of Serb male children that is recruiting them as janissaries (even Noel Malcolm describes this), mistreating of women and girls as well as forcible dislocation of entire groups of Serb population – are these not sufficient to make Malcolm’s claims relative and suspect at least, if not to annul them?

Noel Malcolm takes the liberty to deny, by some of his claims, all the existing analyses of reputable Ottoman scholars describing the peculiarities the state and social organization introduced by Ottoman authorities in the occupied countries. So he claims: “Far from imposing an utterly alien system, the Ottoman Empire did in fact preserve and develop many of the features of life – administrative, social, ceremonial and so on-which it found in its conquered Christian states.” It seems that Malcolm has almost no knowledge of the traits of the Ottoman timar system, whose basis – the institution of state-owned land – had no counterpart in any other feudal society. The fact that into the timer system some institutions taken over from medieval Serbian or Byzantine governmental structure were adroitly incorporated does not imply that the new masters of the Serbian lands maintained old relationships based on land property or that they borrowed a model of state administration. Serbian lands, the present-day Kosovo and Metohija among them, made up a part of the Islamic-military Ottoman Empire whose leaders, at least in the earliest centuries, sufficiently pragmatic as they were, did not break off all ties with the former governmental structure, retaining those regulations and laws that had been unknown to them (such as Stefan Lazarevic’s Mining Law), or those that fitted their needs (so, for instance, planning to inhabit the uninhabited border areas along the Danube with as many cattlebreeding Serbs as possible, they retained the so called Despot’s Kanun for the Vlachs, to be repealed as soon as the Smederevo sancak ceased to be a border area). In the opinion of Nicoara Beldiceanu, the Ottomans inherited their original governmental structure from Seljuks and the emirates emerging in their territories. Conquering Byzantine, Serbian and Bulgarian territories, they encountered legal customs diametrically opposed to those resulting from the Islamic creed, and that induced their pragmatic rulers to grant certain concessions. That, again, is not in collision with the seriat law, because this law entitles the ruler to institute a new law or regulation if the Islamic religious law cannot cope with a given situation. Taking into account all this, Beldiceanu arrives at an unequivocal conclusion: after all, the new masters brought with them a new life style into their conquered lands.

A great novelty in the historiography dealing with Ottoman occupation not only of southern Serbia but also of the entire Balkans is Malcolm’s energetic claim that “the early Ottoman state was not based on the distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims.” As a proof for this claim, which he does not tone down though in the same chapter he had stated that in the Ottoman Empire “Christians in general certainly acquired a second-class status”, he refers to a great number of Christian spahis who in the fifteenth century served as Ottoman cavalrymen. Namely, during their conquests, the Turks did not destroy all of the former feudal nobility. Particularly the petty nobility was spared, so that the agents of the Turkish timar system during its establishment in Balkan countries were not Muslims alone. At this time, the Turks did not do anything that could estrange lower Christian nobility from them, because it had to function as a link between the new authorities and the subjugated population. This attitude of the Ottomans was called for by their need to stabilize and safe-guard their power over the conquered peoples. However, in spite of their effort to integrate the entire medieval Serbian nobility into their feudal system, they were aware of the fact that this stratum could not be trusted unreservedly and that its member could at any moment turn their backs and escape into Hungary. It is probably this that accounts for a phenomenon widely spread during the entire latter half of the fifteenth century: that Christian spahis do figure within the timar system, but the majority of them held timars yielding very low incomes.

Had he aspired to be an objective historian, Malcolm would have first found out for himself and then described to the reader that the size of this stratum of Christian spahis, though important in the military sense, was small in number not only in relation to the rest of the Orthodox population but also in relation to the numbers of Muslim timar holders. For instance, the number of Christian spahis in Brankovic territory, according to a 1455 register, was 27 (less then 5%), as compared to 170 Muslim timar holders whose estates yielded incomparably higher incomes.

Malcolm does not mention the well known fact that not only in the Balkans but also in the entire Ottoman Empire there was a great difference between the taxes paid by Muslim and those paid by Christian population. Namely, all Muslims were exempt from harac (land-tax), which represented the basic obligation of Christian population, because through harac payment the supreme authority of the Ottoman ruler was acknowledged. In our lands this tax was called carska glavnica (the emperor’s tax) because it was collected per capita and went directly to the ruler. The tax called spence, however, belonged to the spahi. Harac was paid annually by every male Serb who was in good health and for work, if he was not engaged in any sort of the military service. Exemption from harac was effected through a special decree issued by the ruler, and thereby the status of a member of the soldier-class (askeri) was acquired. Harac payment involved obedience and loyalty as well as the conduct conforming to the status of raya.

There are historians, such as the above quoted Nicoara Beldiceanu, who claim that precisely this taxation system, based as it was on the distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims, was the reason that in the early centuries of Ottoman rule there were no massive conversions in the Serb lands. Namely, according to a number of acceptable estimates, around 1500 in the Ottoman Empire there were 894,432 Christian households, so that had they all converted to Islam, the Porte would have lost circa 2.80 kilograms of gold. Taking into account the above mentioned pragmatic character of the Ottoman sultans in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, this argument of N. Beldiceanu seems to be quite acceptable.

As an additional proof in favour of the thesis that Christians in the Ottoman Empire enjoyed special privileges, Malcolm describes the “privileged” groups, including in their number voynuks, martoloses, derbends. It is true, of course, that these groups enjoyed certain tax advantages in return for their military services. Yet, though the taxes paid by these “privileged” groups were substantially lower than the duties paid by common raya, taking into account the difficulties of their services and responsbility, we think that their position was by no means a comfortable one. So a kanun-nama for the Vidin sandzak from the time of Murat III says that “life and estates”of derbend villagers are at stake if the safety of travellers is jeopardized, so that it is quite certain that the groups in question cannot be considered as “specially privileged”. Nevertheless, the tributes imposed on which common raya were an unbearable burden, so that entire settlements accepted special duties and responsibilities and did their best to maintain that status.

Speaking of the position of the Serb Orthodox Church, its clergy and believers, Malcolm claims that this Church enjoeyd “a particularly favoured position”. He tries to convince the reader that the evidence of the destruction of Orthodox church buildings or their conversion into mosques is overestimated, because “in towns that were conquered after refusing to surrender, churches could be converted into mosques” but “there was no systematic take-over”. It seems that Malcolm is not aware – though he is expected to be if he wanted deal with this issue seriously – of the opinion of the German Ottoman scholar Biswanger, who seems to have given its most dependable interpretation. To be more precise, Biswanger says that “in towns which they conquered, the Turks converted main churches into mosques, whereas smaller churches were awarded the rights of zimmi.” According to the acceptable conclusion of O. Zirojevic, from whose works, for instance, Malcolm quotes only superficially and pulling out of the context parts fitting his preset thesis, it was done because thereby it was made known that Islam was the ruing religion and that the zimmi were of an inferior standing, though the propaganda effect itself of mosques emerging in towns right after their conquest should not be ignored. Namely, the erection of a large mosque might have taken years, whereas interior modelling of an already existing church was less time consuming and cheaper. On the other hand, Malcolm’s claim that only those churches were converted into mosques which resisted is unfounded, as shown by instances such as the town of Smederevo, which surrendered without resistance, but about which the Turkish chronicler wrote the following: “The bells in Smederevo bled to death. The churches were torn down and mesdzids put up instead.”

However, the culmination of Malcolm’s cynicism and arbitrariness represents his claim that Kosovo is “an Ottoman territory par excellence”, that the city of Prizren is one “of the most fascinatingly Ottoman places left in the world”. Malcolm obviously does not know or does not want to know the history of Prizren, which is one of the most significant medieval Serbian towns, a town whose development starts as early as the early thirteenth century. Even a hasty look at a map showing the Serbian churches and monasteries in the area of the present-day Kosovo suffices to see that there are absolutely no grounds for viewing this southern Serbian province as an “Ottoman” region

What is to be said in the end? – What remains to us is to express our hope that this trend in world so-called “historiography” will end with Noel Malcolm and that, at least among really professional historians, scientific values will prevail.

FOOTNOTES:

1. D. Stankovic, Lj. Dimic, Istoriografija pod nadzorom I, Belgrade 1996, 20.
2. So, for example, academician S. Cirkovic, in his excellent synthetic work dealing with Kosovo in the Middle Ages, insists and constantly emphasizes the fact that he discusses the medieval part of the present-day Kosovo, this being quite clear from the title of the work itself. See: Srednjovekovna proslost danasnjeg Kosova XV-1, Belgrade 1985, 149-166,
3. N. Malcolm, Kosovo. A Short History, London, 1998, XXXV.
4. Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, sous la direction de Robert Mantran, Fayard, Paris, 1989.
5. For criticism of this theory see: M. Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, Belgrade, 1999, 283.
6. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 93-94,
7. M. Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, Belgrade, 1999, 280.
8. That phenomenon is discussed quite summarily but tellingly by the Turkish chronicler Dursun-Bey, a highly educated man in his time (he lived around the mid-15th century), who wrote a history of the Ottoman Empire between 1442 and 1487. Namely, he says: “And Serb girls are such that one cannot stop finding pleasure in them, no matter how much one already did so. Whereas those who happened to take pleasure in Serb boyfriends would be ready to give up a hundred, perhaps a thousand of other delights, and would even readily lose their soul. So many of them were taken away then (during the raid on Serbia in 1454 – note by E. M.-B.), that their numbers couldn’t be counted.” G. Elezovic, Turski izvori za istoriju Jugoslovena, BratstvoXXVI, Belgrade 1932.
9. Namely, forcible discolations were designed in order to secure the influx of population into conquered territories, but since the earliest conquests the population from conquered territories was dislocated to Anatolia for security, economic and political reasons. See more details on this in: F. Emedzen, Istorija jedne migracije s pocetka XVI stoljeca: sremski izgnanici na Galipolju, Istorijski casopis XLII-XLIII (1995-1996), Belgrade 1997, 237-253.
10. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 93-94.
11. N. Beldeceanu, L’organisation de l’Empire Ottoman (XIV-XV siecles), [in:] Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, Fayard, Paris 1989, 117-119; 137-138.
12. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 97
13. Ibid, 94.
14. Only nine of those Christian spahis held timars worth 2-6,000 akces. Three were registered as old timar holders, and two were voynuk units (lagatori). The remaining 16 timars were small estates worth up to 1,000 akces, and each of those timars was jointly held by 2-5 timar holders. See more details on this B. Durdev, Hriscani-spahije u severnoj Srbiji u XV veku, Godisnjak drustva istoricara BIH IV, Sarajevo 1952, 165-169; E. Miljkovic, Prilog proucavanju pocetaka islamizacije u Branicevu 1467-1476. Godine, Zbornik Matice Srpske za istoriju 47-48, Novi Sad 1993, 125-135.
15. The spahi tax (ispence) was paid by all elders of the Christian households across the Balkans, as a substitute for corvee. It resulted from their being dependent on the land owner. Until the end of the sixteenth century it amounted to 25 akces. Destitute, blind, lame and maimed people were exempt from this tax, whereas widows, who were generally poor, paid lower ispences. The Muslim raya, who were farmers, paid a tax called reism-i cift amounting to 22 akces. For a more detailed description see: G. Veinstein, Une “econome-monde” sous le controle de l’Etat, [inI] Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, Paris 1989, 212.
16. N. Beldiceanu, Peuplement, turquisation et islamisation, [in] Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, Paris 1989, 136.
17. N. Malcolm, Kosovo, 102.
18. Ibid, 109.
19. Ibid, 108.
20. O. Zirojevic, Crkve i manastiri na podrucju Pecke patrijarsije do 1683. godine, Belgrade, 1984, 23-24.
21. Ibid, 24.
22. N. Malcom, Kosovo, XXXV.
23. O. Zirojevic, Prizren, la ville de la continuite [in] La culture urbaine des Balkans (X-XIX siecles) 3, Belgrad-Paris, 1991, 87-93.


Source: www.kosovo.net

Origins of images: Facebook, Twitter, Wikimedia, Wikipedia, Flickr, Google, Imageinjection & Pinterest.

Read our Disclaimer/Legal Statement!

Donate to Support Us

We would like to ask you to consider a small donation to help our team keep working. We accept no advertising and rely only on you, our readers, to keep us digging the truth on history, global politics and international relations.

[wpedon id=”4696″ align=”left”]

READ MORE!
The Roots of the Current Crisis in the Middle East
It is now fully five years since the greatest upheavals in the modern history of the Arab World started in Tunis. Always impressed by the latest events, we tend to forget the deep roots of the current violent struggle. But unless we confront the causes, there is little chance that the symptoms will be healed. (A partial version of this article in Spanish was published earlier in Free Haifa) The wave of refugees that has reached Europe and the terror attacks in Paris reminded many people in Europe and beyond of the crisis in our region – but at the same time ...
READ MORE
Fifty Years of Imperial Wars: Global Neoliberalism and America’s Drive for World Domination
Over the past 50 years the US and European powers have engaged in countless imperial wars throughout the world. The drive for world supremacy has been clothed in the rhetoric of “world leadership”, the consequences have been devastating for the peoples targeted.  The biggest, longest and most numerous wars have been carried out by the United States.  Presidents from both parties direct and preside over this quest for world power.  The ideology which informs imperialism varies from “anti-communism”in the past to “anti-terrorism”today.Washington’s drive for world domination has used and combined many forms of warfare, including military invasions and occupations; proxy ...
READ MORE
Geopolitics of Kosovo
The ethnic demarcation that is promoted by Serbian president Aleksandar Vucic, between Serbs and Albanians is just another name for the creation of Greater Albania. Vucic statements and spinning of the necessity for the "demarcation" between Serbia and Kosovo caused shock among Serbs. Most of his political life, Vucic advocated for a Greater Serbia, but with coming to power, things changed. Against his demarcation is virtually the entire Serbia. From experts to the pillar and base of Serbs throughout history Serbian Orthodox Church. A few years ago, I wrote in my analytical column that Vucic came to power with the ...
READ MORE
The Truth about Christopher Columbus
"In fourteen hundred and ninety-two, Columbus sailed the ocean blue…."Today, Christopher Columbus is celebrated as a mythical hero by some – complete with songs, poems, and fictional tales about his great adventure across the Atlantic to explore the majestic land that would eventually be known as the Americas. There are fifty-four communities named after the explorer in the United States, including the District of Columbia. “Hail, Columbia” was the United States’ unofficial national anthem until 1931. A federal holiday, “Columbus Day,” is celebrated every second Monday in October.Despite all of this, historians have begun to tear down the Columbus myth: ...
READ MORE
The Baltic Holocaust and Russophobia
On 23 June 2017 in the Parliament Square of Vilnius, capital of Lithuania, an official celebration of the uprising of 23 June 1943 against Soviet rule took place. The event was orchestrated mainly by veterans of the Lithuanian Freedom Fighters Association, a far-right militia group. During these celebrations an exhibit of more than 12 posters were hung which presented the anti-Soviet insurrection one that “drove terror into the Bolshevik occupying army and the lackeys of the occupation forces.”Some historical context is needed here.In June 1941, Hitler had launched a surprise attack on the Soviet Union, overrunning the Baltics in a ...
READ MORE
Inside Kosovo’s Islamist Cauldron
Kacanik, KOSOVO – A plume of smoke hangs over our table in the corner of a dark, shabby café in this rugged town in southern Kosovo. The lanky 19-year-old sitting next to me is chain-smoking through half a pack of L&Ms, his hands trembling as he recalls how he joined one of the world's most brutal militant Islamist groups.Through his neatly trimmed beard, Adem, who asks me not to use his real name for fear of arrest, says he had never even left Kosovo. But two years ago, he found himself on the perilous and far-off Turkey-Syria border -- a ...
READ MORE
Tito Disappeared in 1937: Yugoslavia was Led by a Russian Agent – FBI Documents
On April 20, 1955, Marijan John Markul entered the FBI’s Los Angeles office and told a shocking story. The man who then introduced himself as Marshal Josip Broz Tito was not actually him, but a Russian agent who assumed the identity of Tito after Josip Broz disappeared in Russia in 1937. This is stated in the FBI’s report from the beginning of May 1955, writes daily newspaper “Kurir”.Secret FBI reports from the fifties were recently opened and released to the public.Marijan Markul was born in Livno in 1909. He moved to the United States in 1936 and received citizenship in ...
READ MORE
Disobedient Hungary: From the Soviet Union to the European Union
CNN recently discovered a paradox.  How was it possible, they asked, that in 1989, Viktor Orban, at the time a Western-acclaimed liberal opposition leader, was calling for Soviet troops to leave Hungary, and now that he is Prime Minister, he is cozying up to Vladimir Putin? For the same reason, dummy. Orban wanted his country to be independent then, and he wants it to be independent now. In 1989, Hungary was a satellite of the Soviet Union.  Whatever Hungarians wanted, they had to follow directives from Moscow and adhere to Soviet communist ideology. Today, Hungary is ordered to follow directives from Brussels and adhere ...
READ MORE
The Slavo-Macedonians as a Tool For the Creation of a Greater Tito’s Yugoslavia
These coming days, the final result of the inter-state negotiations between the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Greece about the official and internationally used state’s name of the former is to be announced. According to many unofficial sources, most probable new state’s name of FYROM is going to be the Republic of North Macedonia but other options like the Republic of Ilinden Macedonia are also circulating in mass media. Here, it is worth to remember some of the aspects of historical disputes over the “Macedonian Question”. The focal Greek accusation of Yugoslav Macedonian policy after the WWII was that ...
READ MORE
Islamic State Top Dog from Kosovo Returns to Europe with 400 Jihadis
What could possibly go wrong? Refugees welcome! Not to allow these enemy combatants to return would be “Islamophobic”! “Disguised as refugees and able to cross borders without being identified: ISIS general who blew up a hostage with a rocket and decapitated another prisoner is ‘back in Europe with 400 soldiers’ after fleeing Syria,” by Julian Robinson, MailOnline, December 29, 2016: An ISIS general once pictured decapitating a prisoner is back in Europe with up to 400 of his most trusted soldiers after fleeing the war zone in Syria, it has been claimed. Ex-NATO soldier Lavdrim Muhaxheri and his men are among thousands who ...
READ MORE
Did You Know: 9/11 & Larry Silverstein
Origins of images: Facebook, Twitter, Wikimedia, Wikipedia, Flickr, Google, Imageinjection & Pinterest. Read our Disclaimer/Legal Statement! Donate to Support Us We would like to ask you to consider a small donation to help our team keep working. We accept no advertising and rely only on you, our readers, to keep us digging the truth on history, global politics and international relations. [wpedon id="4696" align="left"]
READ MORE
An Albanian family around 1910
PrefaceKosovo (Serb. Kosovo-Metochia, Alb. Kosova) is a square-shaped province of the Republic of Serbia of 10,877 sq. kilometres that is approximately the size of the USA state of Connecticut. The province is situated in the southern interior of the Balkan Peninsula in South-East Europe.[1] For most of the 20th century-history, this province was part of Serbia like in the Middle Ages but from 1455 to 1912 it was occupied by the Ottoman Empire. After the 1998‒1999 Kosovo War the province is an autonomous territory under the formal administration of the UNO but, in fact, USA’s colony. Officially, the province has ...
READ MORE
What is the Concert of Powers in International Relations?
After the first decade after the Cold War, it became obvious that an idea of global governance is going to be impossible primarily due to an aggressive US foreign policy as Washington intended to become the world hegemon and global policeman. A turning point in the post-Cold War IR became the Kosovo War of 1998−1999, which resulted in the NATO’s occupation of the south-western region of Serbia based on an idea of „Just War“,[1] but in practice for the creation of the mafia state of the Kosovar Muslim Albanians.[2] As a direct consequence of the NATO’s aggression on Serbia and ...
READ MORE
Donald Trump: It was a Great Mistake to Bomb the Serbs Who were Our Allies in Both World Wars
Donald Trump with Larry King on the occasion of the anniversary of the bombing of Serbia criticized Bill Clinton and criminal attack on Serbs, the ally of America in both wars. “The Clintons have made a mess in the Balkans and Kosovo. Look what we did to Serbia in an aerial bombardment from a safe height. Those same Serbs rescued American pilots in World War II. It is a mistake that we bombed a nation that has been our ally in two world wars. Clintons believe that was a success, and I find it shameful. I extend an apology to all the Serbs ...
READ MORE
Croatian Journalist Confirms Soleimani Fought with Clinton Backed Bosnian Muslims in the Balkans in 1993 and 1994
QASEM SULEJMANI FOUGHT IN BIH AGAINST SERBS?! A Croatian journalist discovers who was killed by the Iranian general! It was important for James Bond the Middle East, turning the WAR on in SYRIA!Hasan Haidar Diab (56) is a prominent Croatian journalist and war reporter. However, his link to the Balkans is in the Eighties of the last century, when from native Beirut to study in the then SFR Yugoslavia, and that is due thanks to the character and part of Josip Broz Tito, or his role in the Non-Aligned MovementOver the years of the war, primarily because of the knowledge ...
READ MORE
NATO’s 1999 Attack on Serbia’s State TV Headquarters “Wiped from the Record”
On 23 April 1999, a NATO missile attack on Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) headquarters killed 16 employees of the state broadcaster. The forgotten war crime occurred during the Kosovo War (March 1998-June 1999), and was part of NATO’s aerial campaign alongside the US-backed Kosovo Liberation army, in opposition to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In the aftermath of the attack there were no great public campaigns launched for the 16 murdered journalists and employees, no outpouring of emotion for those killed, no calls for solidarity and togetherness in the face of aggression. On the contrary the West justified this grievous ...
READ MORE
Anglo-Saxon Roots of German Nazism
More than six decades after Berlin’s capitulation which capped World War II, the war is still raging, now in the form of revisionist attempts to cast a shadow over the memory of Soviet soldiers who fought in it. Among other things, the efforts aimed at equating fascism – a monster nurtured by the West in the 1930s-1940s – and Russia’s XX century wartime past are supposed to divert attention from the continuity between the Anglo-Saxon imperialism and the German national socialism. The nature and key traits of the continuity are exposed in “From Imperialism to Fascism: Why Hitlers’ India was ...
READ MORE
The Hidden Story of Crimea’s Economic Success
Recently Crimea celebrated the 2nd anniversary of its reunification with Russia, marked on the day of the referendum that ended the Ukrainian occupation. Much has been written about the political and geopolitical aspects of the reunification as well as the social sentiments of the people, but little has been said about the economy. I want to lift the lid on that because the results of the economic transition are in fact quite impressive, especially considering the arduous hurdles that had to be overcome in the process.The transition from the Ukrainian economy to the Russian one meant a transfer from a ...
READ MORE
Trump Buys Lithuania, EU cannot Stop It
The US President Donald Trump is no doubt a successful businessman who rules his country as if it is a huge enterprise. And this kind of management, to his mind, should lead to success. And very often it really works. As a wise leader he uses different tools to reach his goals. Thus, the most cunning one, which the US exploits in Europe – is indirect influence on the EU countries to gain the desired aim. The EU just becomes a tool in “capable hands” of the US.Let us give the simple example. Last week the Ministry of National Defence ...
READ MORE
The Ambiguity: The Case of Democracy
The Great Financial Crisis, the Occupy Wall Street rising, Wikileaks and Snowden exposure, imperialist interventions in Iraq-Libya-Syria, the economic-political developments in Greece, and the on-going string of revelations in the US politics take away all ambiguities related to democracy, development and state. With broad and fundamental connections and character the incidents and processes – parts of democracy and development – being witnessed by the contemporary world are significant with far-reaching implications, and helpful to comprehend issues of democracy, development and state.No ambiguity: Ambiguous and confusing narratives of democracy and development are vigorously sold in markets despite the reality of repeated ...
READ MORE
The Roots of the Current Crisis in the Middle East
Fifty Years of Imperial Wars: Global Neoliberalism and America’s Drive for World Domination
Geopolitics of Kosovo
The Truth about Christopher Columbus