Interview with Professor Sean Gervasi, Institute of International and Economic Problems, Belgrade, Yugoslavia. Recorded on February 24th, 1993 […]
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I want to argue that there is a direct link between contemporary nationalism(s) among the Yugoslavs and their national ideologies, which are developed in the previous decades and even centuries […]
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While the numbers are not as high as Auschwitz or Treblinka, Jasenovac was notorious for its cruelty and the high number of young children who were victims […]
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As a matter of fact, many ethnic Slavs have participated in the armies led by the Iranian-Sarmatian Croats and Serbs and have migrated to the Balkans with their Iranian-Sarmatian military leaders and lords. The sources are speaking in this matter about Indo-European Slaveni – a Slavic people living north of the Danube River in the 5th and 6th centuries which basically provided the crucial part of the manpower which occupied the Balkan Peninsula in the 6th and early 7th centuries (more precisely, from around 580 to 626, according to the Byzantine sources) […]
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The Illyrian Movement (1830–1847) presents the most important period of the Croat national(istic) revival movement, which was one of the strongest national revival movements that emerged in the Austrian Empire (Habsburg Monarchy) in the first half of the 19th century […]
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In the Yugoslav historiography (1918–1941; 1945–1991) Lj. Gaj’s decision to choose a Illyrian name and the štokavian dialect for the Croatian national revival movement was politically explained by his wish to culturally and even politically unite all the South Slavs, believing that this was an ancient common name for all the (Balkan) Slavs, because he like the other leaders of the Illyrian Movement considered the ancient Balkan Illyrians (or Illyrs) as the South Slavic and even Slavic ancestors. However, this decision had much deeper roots and totally different purposes than it was officially presented by the Yugoslav historians. An undisputable fact is that Lj. Gaj chose the Serbian literal language (based on the people’s spoken language) for the literal language of all Croats. Gaj by himself recognized that the Croatian leaders of the national revival movement accepted exactly the Serbian literal language, which was reformed by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, for the literal language of the Croats […]
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The core of the puzzle became that constitutionally six federal republics and two autonomous provinces were seen as the “national” states, i.e. with the dominance of a nation or nationality, but the inner administrative borders failed in many cases to strictly separate ethnic communities […]
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Lj. Gaj and his followers required that the Croatian national language has to be accepted as an official-bureaucratic medium of correspondence in the Triune Kingdom (Dalmatia-Croatia-Slavonia) within the Habsburg Monarchy instead of the Hungarian, Latin or German […]
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The end of WWI in November 1918 as a consequence of the military collapse of the Central Powers and the following series of peace treaties of Versailles on June 28th, 1919 between the Allies and Germany, of St Germain on September 10th, 1919 with Austria, of Neuilly on November 27th, 1919 with Bulgaria, and finally of Trianon on June 4th, 1920 with Hungary, produced major border changes in Central, South-East, and East Europe as the continent saw the emergence of several of new states and the enlargement of others fortunate enough to be on the side of the victorious powers. After 1919, new states included the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania), Finland, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia (under such formal name from 1929) […]
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One of the claims of Albanian historiography is that the Central Balkan tribe – Dardanians, who settled in the southern portion of the territory of the Roman Province of Moesia Superior and northwestern part of the Roman Province of Macedonia, should be considered as one of the Illyrian tribes and an ancestor of the Albanians […]
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The main conclusions are that V. S. Karadžić’s understanding of language in the conception of the Serbian linguistic nationalism was primarily of an ethnic nature and that I. Garašanin drafted a project of a united Serbian national state by implementing a linguistic model of Serbian national identification exactly as developed by V. S. Karadžić […]
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The article addresses a linguistically based project on Serbian ethnonational identity and a language-based political model for the creation of the Serbian united ethnonational state in the Balkans drafted by the most famous Serbian philologist Vuk Stefanović Karadžić in 1836 and further developed by Serbia’s statesman Ilija Garašanin in 1844 […]
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It became clear from the very beginning of the existence of a new state (the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, from 1929 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) that it is going to be impossible mission to organize a functional state due to its many differences just by the imposition of the ideology of an “integral Yugoslavism” […]
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My hypothesis is that a market economy requires a permanent state of war. Behind the crocodile tears for the human disasters and ‘white man burden,’ people and nature are of value in themselves and war does a good job at consuming both very quickly […]
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Washington’s objective is to impose the terms of Korea’s reunification. The NeoCons “Project for a New American Century” (PNAC) published in 2000 had intimated that in “post unification scenario”, the number of US troops (currently at 37,000) should be increased and that US military presence could be extended to North Korea. In a reunified Korea, the military mandate of the US garrison would be to implement so-called “stability operations in North Korea” […]
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