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The policy of language and political parties until the prohibition of the Illyrian name (1843)
During the years of 1832–1836 the Hungarian assembly (Dieta) hold several sessions in Pozsony (Bratislava/Pressburg), where Croatia-Slavonia’s deputies, particularly count J. Drašković, fought for the introduction of the national (Croat) language in Croatia-Slavonia instead of the Latin or Hungarian, as well as for the Croatian state-historical rights (the so-called Croatian pravice) as they were claimed as such by the Croat political leadership. At the same time, in 1834 Ljudevit Gaj obtained a permission from the Habsburg Emperor Francis I (1806–1835) to publish the first political newspaper in Croatia-Slavonia in the Croatian language (i.e., in the kajkavian dialect but not in štokavian) as a consequence of the general Slavic national awakening within the Habsburg Monarchy.[1] With the great support by Ljudevit Vukotinović,[2] Vjekoslav Babukić, Antun Mažuranic, Dragutin Rakovac and Pavao Štoos, the first political-national newspaper in Croatia-Slavonia was printed in Zagreb on January 6th, 1835 titled as Novine horvatzke. The magazine Danicza Horvatzka, Slavonska y Dalmatinzka was printed as a supplement to this newspaper with a motto: “People without nationality is like the body without bones”.
Here it is of an extreme importance to notice two points:
- From the magazine’s title it is clear that a founder of the Illyrian Movement and his followers claimed all three provinces of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia to be a “Croat” according to the Croat self-proclaimed idea of the Croat-based a Triune Kingdom of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia. Therefore, it was, at least indirectly, claimed all Croatia-Slavonia-Dalmatia’s inhabitants to be of the ethnolinguistic Croat origin, or at least those who have been of the Roman Catholic denomination. However, in Dalmatia and Slavonia an overwhelming majority of the Roman Catholics have been the štokavian speakers like all Orthodox Serbs and all Slavic Muslims from Bosnia-Herzegovina and Sanjak (today self-identified as the Bosniaks).[3]
- Ljudevit’s both the newspaper and the magazine were printed in the kajkavian dialect, what was a native language/speech of the people around Zagreb and Karlovac areas and of the leader of the movement – Ljudevit Gaj himself. In .. it was printed exactly the in kajkavian dialect on March 14th, 1835 (“Dana 14. Szusheza 1835”) in № 10 the song Horvatska domovina, written by the poet and diplomat Antun Mihanović (a Serb), which became from 1891 a national anthem of the Croats under the official name (up today) – Lijepa naša (according to the first words of the anthem: “Lĕpa naša domovino, …”).[4] It is clear, nevertheless, that the leaders of the movement considered the kajkavian dialect as a genuine Croat language and therefore their first works have been written and published in the kajkavian.
However, Ljudevit Gaj and his followers (the most influential among them was Ivan Mažuranić, whose mother tongue was a čakavian dialect) decided in 1836 to print both Novine horvatzke and Danicza in the štokavian dialect, but under a new names – the Ilirske narodne novine and Danica ilirska and with a new orthography, which was similar to the Serbian orthography at that time that was reformed by the most important Serbian philologist and language reformer – Vuk Stefanović Karadžić (1787–1864). The first number of renamed newspaper and magazine was printed on January 8th, 1836. Officially, the Illyrian name was chosen in order to spread these two programmatic-cultural editions in Slavonia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Dubrovnik, Serbia and Slovenia[5] for the purpose of cultural-linguistic unification of all South Slavs,[6] but in fact, according to many post-Yugoslavia’s Serb philologists, it was done for the very political reason – to Croatize all the South Slavs, especially those the Roman Catholics who spoke the štokavian.[7] Undoubtedly, modern Croatian historiography after the WWII claims that the names Illyrian and Croat were only synonyms for Ljudevit Gaj.[8]
Surely, the choice of štokavian by the leaders of the movement brought them immediately to the open conflict with the Serbian philologists and political leaders: Vuk Stefanović Karadžić and Ilija Garašanin. Therefore, V. S. Karadžić wrote already in 1836 (published in 1849) his answer-article to the Croats under the title Срби сви и свуда (Serbs All and Everywhere) followed by I. Garašanin who wrote in 1844 a secret political-national program of a pan-Serbian national and political unification – Начертаније (Draft).[9] Both of these authors refuted Croat claims on any significant number of the Croat-speaking štokavian South Slavic population as according to them, based on the contemporary European Slavonic philology, the štokavians of all confessional denominations were in essence the ethnolinguistic Serbs. Consequently, all štokavian-populated South Slavic territories have to be united into a common national state of the Serbs instead of the Croats.[10]
In the Yugoslav historiography (1918–1941; 1945–1991) Lj. Gaj’s decision to choose a Illyrian name and the štokavian dialect for the Croatian national revival movement was politically explained by his wish to culturally and even politically unite all the South Slavs, believing that this was an ancient common name for all the (Balkan) Slavs, because he like the other leaders of the Illyrian Movement considered the ancient Balkan Illyrians (or Illyrs) as the South Slavic and even Slavic ancestors. However, this decision had much deeper roots and totally different purposes than it was officially presented by the Yugoslav historians. An undisputable fact is that Lj. Gaj chose the Serbian literal language (based on the people’s spoken language) for the literal language of all Croats. Gaj by himself recognized that the Croatian leaders of the national revival movement accepted exactly the Serbian literal language, which was reformed by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, for the literal language of the Croats.[11]
A crucial difference between Karadžić’s and Gaj’s reforms of their own national literal languages was that Karadžić chose his own mother tongue, the ijekavian subdialect of the štokavian dialect, which was spoken at that time in the East Herzegovina, Dubrovnik, the West Serbia, etc., for the literal language of the Serbs. Nevertheless, Gaj’s mother tongue, as the language of the Zagreb area, was not the ijekavian subdialect of the štokavian dialect, but rather it was the kajkavian dialect. A Yugoslav philologist and linguist, Pavle Ivić, claimed that at the time of Gaj and Karadžić within the territory of Croatia-Slavonia-Dalmatia only the ethnic Serbs spoke the ijekavian subdialect of the štokavian dialect, and that among the all Roman Catholics of the so called (former) Serbo-Croat language there were only 10% of those who spoke the ijekavian[12](what does not mean that they have been the Croats or identified themselves at that time as the Croats). He also was in opinion that the Croat ethnic name started to be spread out among the kajkavian speakers only from the second half of the 17th century.[13]
Likewise other specialists in the Slavic philology, a German linguist A. Leskien and a Czech philologist P. J. Šafařik decisively claimed that only the čakavian dialect could be considered as a genuine (original) national language of the Croats.[14] The first specialists in the Slavic linguistics reduced at such a way a Croat national territory to the area of the čakavian dialect what practically means to Istria, part of the East Adriatic littoral and the North Adriatic islands. Šafařik advocated that there were only 801,000 ethnic Croats; by contrast, there were 1,151,000 Slovenes and 5,294,000 Serbs. The Serbs were composed by 2,880,000 Orthodox population, 1,864,000 Roman Catholics, and 550,000 Muslims.[15]
In the bigger Croatian cities (Zagreb, Varaždin, Karlovac) there were founded many of the Illyrian libraries between 1838 and 1842 as the seeds of a further spreading out of the ideas of the Illyrian Movement and the pan-Croatian national ideology. The most important of them was the library in Zagreb where the most important cultural-national institution of the Croats in the 19th century was established in 1842 – the Matica ilirska (an Illyrian queen bee), but renamed in 1850 into the Matica hrvatska (a Croat queen bee), as a society for the publishing of literal and scientific works. In the summer of 1838 in ancient theatre on the Mark’s square in Zagreb it was held the first great Illyrian concert with a speech given by Ivan Mažuranić. It was up to that time the greatest Illyrian manifestation and celebration of national (Croat) history and traditions.
In the next year (1839) in the Hungarian assembly in Bratislava occurred one very important event for the final achievement of the national goals of the Croats proclaimed by the leaders of the Illyrian Movement: a Croatian deputy in the Hungarian Dieta, Herman Buzan, decisively emphasised that the Latin language would be surely replaced by the national language in Croatia in the near future. It was the first official statement by the Croats in Hungarian feudal assembly, which obviously indicated that an introduction of the Croatian language as an official language in Croatia-Slavonia instead of the Latin, was one of the furthermost political aims of the Croatian national leadership. In the same year a bishop of Zagreb and Croatia-Slavonia’s Ban from 1838 to 1842 – Slovak Juraj Haulik, proposed in the Hungarian Dieta that a Croat has to become an official language of instructions in all high schools (gymnasiums) in Croatia-Slavonia, but also in the Orthodox (Serbian) academy in Zagreb.[16] Such proposal was in fact against the Hungarian intentions to introduce a Hungarian language as an official one in Croatia-Slavonia, but as well against the Serbian wishes that the language of instruction in the Serbian religious schools in Croatia-Slavonia and especially in the Serbian Orthodox Academy in Zagreb would be a Serbian language (the štokavian). This statement became soon transformed into an official political requirement by the Illyrian Movement: in 1840 the Croatian feudal assembly (an assembly of the nobles) applied to the Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand V (1835–1848) requiring from him an introduction of the “pure national language” (i.e., the Croat) in all Croatian-Slavonian-Dalmatian secondary schools, likewise at the Zagreb Academy, as an official language of instruction.
In general, such Croatian requirements, on the one hand made stronger Croatian national consciousness, but on the other hand definitely alienated the Serbs and Slovenes from the Illyrian Movement because they saw in the movement only the instrument for the realisation of an idea of a Greater Croatia and a political framework for the Croatization of other South Slavs. Especially the Serbs were not willing to replace their own national name by the Illyrian one as a common name for all the South Slavs. In fact, they became conscious that the main intention of the Illyrian Movement was to impose the Illyrian national name over all of those South Slavs who did not have still a separate ethno-national feelings (having mostly regional or local), and later on just to replace the Illyrian national name with a Croat one what happened, for instance, finally with the name of the movement itself. For that reason, according to the opponents of the movement, a Croat leadership of the Illyrian Movement advocated an idea that the Croats and the Serbs had the same (i.e., one common) national language (a Croato-Serb or Illyrian), which was in fact the štokavian dialect. However, from the mid-19th century an outstanding Croatian philologist Vatroslav Jagić (1838–1923) advocated an idea that a common Croato-Serb language has two variants:
- A Croat štokavian, which was spoken and written in the Latin alphabet by all the Roman Catholic štokavian South Slavs.
- A Serb štokavian, which was spoken and written in the Cyrillic alphabet by all the Orthodox štokavian South Slavs.
Consequently, following Jagić’s idea, a štokavian Roman Catholic Ragusian, the Roman Catholic (western) Herzegovinian and the Roman Catholic Slavonian literature written in the Latin alphabet was proclaimed as exclusively Croat.[17] However, the Serbian intellectuals, primarily philologists, reacted to these claims with the theory and evidences from the sources that all the štokavian speaking population of the South Slavs and their literature are only the Serb but not Croat. In the other words, all the štokavian population in the Balkans, regardless that they were of the Orthodox, Roman Catholic or Muslim denominations, were in fact the ethnolinguistic Serbs.[18]
The beginning of a modern political life in Croatia-Slavonia started with the creation of the first political party in 1841. It was the Horvatsko-ugarska stranka (the Croatian-Hungarian Party), whose members and supporters had a pejorative nickname – mađaroni (the pro-Hungarians), which was given to them by the members of the Illyrian Movement. An idea to create this party was born in 1839 with the purpose to oppose the ideology and political activity of the Illyrian Movement. The main number of the mađaroni left the Illyrian libraries (as the political-cultural clubs) in Croatia-Slavonia until the summer of 1841. They established in Zagreb their own political-cultural club – the Casino, as a forerunner of the later established the Croatian-Hungarian Party. One of the crucial political-national requirements by the mađaroni became to proclaim the kajkavian dialect of Zagreb area as the official national and literal language of the Croats, but not the štokavian dialect as the Illyrian Movement insisted. Obviously, the mađaroni saw the štokavian dialect as the Serbian national language, but not as a Croatian one. Furthermore, an important element of the political program of the mađaroni was that the Hungarian language will be proclaimed as an official administrative language in Croatia-Slavonia.[19]
The Croatian-Hungarian Party was organized exclusively against the Illyrian Movement and its political program. Particularly the Illyrian name was denied as the ethnic name of the Croats for two crucial reasons: 1. It did not express a real national name of the Croat people of the time (the Croats); 2. It was assumed to be of the Serb ethnolinguistic background. Therefore, the leadership of the Croatian-Hungarian Party fought for the national Croat name instead of the Illyrian as an ethnonym not of a genuine Croat origin.[20] However, on the other hand, the party fought as well for as stronger as political, economic and cultural relations between Croatia-Slavonia and the Kingdom of Hungary within the Habsburg Monarchy. This political party opposed the fundamental idea of the leaders of the Illyrian Movement to create a Greater Croatia, which would have a special political status within the historical territory of the Kingdom of Hungary as the political corpus separatus with a protected and recognized special historical-political rights as the third federal unit of the Habsburg Monarchy composed by all Habsburg-governed the South Slavic lands.
The mađaroni felt, as it was the case with many Serb intellectuals and political workers, that behind the Illyrian Movement was in fact a ruling German establishment in Vienna as the movement in essence was against both the Hungarian and Serb national interests. In the other words, to create a client Greater Croatia within the Habsburg Monarchy was for Vienna of at least three political interests and significance:
- A greatest number of the Roman Catholic štokavian South Slavs will become the Croats and at such a way the Serb national body will be much weaker and politically of much lesser danger for the Habsburg Monarchy as they will not tend to join any kind of independent Serbia. We have here to keep in mind that the Illyrian Movement was established (in 1832) just two years after the Principality of Serbia received a significant national-political autonomy from the Ottoman authorities (in 1829 and 1830) backed by Russia. It was logically expected that Serbia will receive in the very recent future more political autonomy from Istanbul (in 1833)[21] and even recognized national-state independence (in 1878). Therefore, an independent Serbia protected by Russia will be a very dangerous political factor at the Balkans for the state’s integrity of the Habsburg Monarchy and its foreign policy at the Balkans.[22] The Habsburg authorities were especially afraid of any design to create a united national state of the Serbs as all štokavian speakers from the Habsburg Monarchy and Bosnia-Herzegovina (pretended to be annexed by the Habsburg Monarchy) can be easily attracted to such idea.[23] For that reason, the central (Roman Catholic) authorities in Vienna created and supported a (Roman Catholic) Croat national movement under the common Balkan Illyrian name in order to Croatize at least the štokavian Roman Catholic South Slavs who would be at such a way inclined to live in a Greater Croatia within the Habsburg Monarchy. For that reason, Vienna fostered a Greater Croatia’s idea and a Croat nationalism[24] covered by the Illyrian name and ideology. A final political aim by Vienna was to collect all Yugoslav peoples (the South Slavs except Bulgarians) around a Roman Catholic Zagreb within the Habsburg Monarchy instead of around the Orthodox Belgrade within any kind of independent Yugoslavia or a Greater Serbia. Therefore, the “Yugoslav Question” would be solved within the Habsburg Monarchy instead of outside of it.
- A fostering of the Croat nationalism and Croat territorial expansion by Vienna was as well directed at the expense of the Hungarian national interests and political position of the Kingdom of Hungary within the Habsburg Monarchy. It is obvious that any federalization project within the territory of historic Hungary was weakening Budapest position in its political struggle against Vienna for the reconstruction of the Habsburg Monarchy. The Illyrian Movement was established and started its activities only two years after the French July Revolution of 1830 – a revolution calling, among other things, for a new rearrangement of Europe according to a democratic principle of national self-determination based on the idea of a Great French Revolution, 1789−1794. Therefore, inspired by the French July Revolution, for instance, the Poles rose in arms for the national liberation and unification from November 1830 to September 1831[25] influencing other Central European nations including and the Hungarians whose ultimate political aim was to create an independent from Vienna their own (greater) Kingdom of Hungary based on the Hungarian ethnic and historic rights. For that reason, the German political establishment in Vienna saw any separatist national movement within historic lands of Hungary as a great opportunity to beat the Hungarian nationalism and separatism itself. A Croat Illyrian Movement was only one of such opportunities[26] well used by Vienna among Hungary’s 18 ethnic minorities who have composed 62% out of total population of historic Hungary as the ethnic Hungarians (the Magyars) have been only 38% of all Hungary’s inhabitants (in 1842).[27]
- The Habsburg Monarchy was traditionally a strong and bigot Roman Catholic state which proclaimed itself to have a special historic-spiritual “mission” of Catholization of the regional “infidels” including and the Balkan Orthodox Serbs especially those within the borders of the Habsburg Monarchy and of course others who will come under the scepter of the Habsburg Emperor in the future. A mission of the Catholization of all South Slavs was given to the Roman Catholic Croats and for that purpose the Illyrian Movement chose exactly the štokavian dialect as a common literal language for all Croats and the Orthodox Serbs as well. The process of Croatization had to be followed by and combined with the policy of Catholization of all Serbs for whom the native language was only the štokavian. A Croatian cultural-historic “mission” of Catholization of all the South Slavs, backed by the Roman Catholic Habsburg authorities, is clearly stated, for instance, in the letter by a Croat bishop J. J. Strossmayer sent on December 15th, 1886 to the Pope’s nuncio in Vienna, Seraphine Banutelli.[28]
In general, the Orthodox Serb citizens of the Habsburg Monarchy felt the monarchy’s as an enemy tending to get rid of it usually preferring a pan-Serbian national unification. On the other hand, the Habsburg German, Hungarian and Croat authorities had the same feeling towards all Balkan Orthodox Serbs who were seen as the Russian marionettes, destructive separatists, a Greater Serbia’s supporters and culturally underdeveloped ethnic group.[29]
A leadership of the Croatian-Hungarian Party was supported by a Hungarian parliamentary opposition in order to spread the idea of a Greater Hungary (from the Carpathian Mountains to the Adriatic Sea). In order to obtain a higher popularity among the Croats the members of the party presented themselves as the “ancient Croats”. They mainly have been supported by the petty peasant nobility, particularly from Turopolje area with a part of Croatia around Sava River. Initially, a political struggle between the Croatian-Hungarian Party and the Illyrian Movement took place in the district assemblies (županijske skupštine), but very soon it infected the Croatian feudal assembly (the Sabor) in Zagreb as well.
According to the Croatian historian Josip Horvat, the Croatian-Hungarian Party basically was founded by the Hungarian liberals who were led by outstanding Hungarian politician and national worker, Ferenc Deák (a leading political figure in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848–1849).[30] A main number of the members of the this party was coming from the circle of the Croatian conservatives: for instance, the party leaders Aleksandar Drašković and Aleksandar Erdödy, barons Levin and Juraj Rauch, or Daniel Josipović. All of them were united around the idea of struggle against the Illyrianism.[31] Their crucial political justification to fight against the Illyrian Movement was that the Illyrianism with its own political ideology and program led Croatia-Slavonia ultimately either to the hands of Vienna or Moscow. In the first case, Croatia-Slavonia would be transformed into the Military Border, which was governed directly by the Austrian supreme military authorities. In the second case, Croatia-Slavonia would become a part of the Russian Pan-Slavic Empire ruled by the Russian Emperor (as the pater familias of all Slavs). Anyway, in both cases Croatia-Slavonia will be politically, economically and administratively separated from the Kingdom of Hungary which had historic rights on these two South Slavic provinces from the year of 1102. It was the main reason for the requirement by the mađaroni for as stronger as political relations between Croatia-Slavonia and Hungary, and for a faster spreading of the “Hungarian idea” in both Croatia-Slavonia and the “Hungarian Sea” – from the city of Rijeka/Fiume to a little bit southern from Karlobag, as the only Hungarian land-possessions at Dalmatian littoral. Those possessions have been divided into two administrative provinces – Modrus-Fiume and Lika-Korbava (the last one settled by the Orthodox Serb majority).
At the end of 1841 the Illyrian Movement founded its own political organisation under the name of the Illyrian Party. The party, however, soon changed its name in 1843 into the Narodna stranka (i.e., the Croatian national party). The change of the name was in accordance to the official program of the movement: political unification of the Croatian lands and cultural unification of the South Slavs.[32] A main political aim of the party was to struggle against the mađaroni’s intention to firmly include Croatia-Slavonia into the historic Hungary and as well against the policy of a linguistic Magyarization of Croatia-Slavonia. The political program of the Illyrian Party was the same as of the Illyrian Movement itself:
- To unite all self-proclaimed Croatian lands into one state (a Greater Croatia), which would enjoy full autonomous status in relation to the Hungarian central government in Pest.
- To spread an idea of cultural community and reciprocity of all the South Slavs.[33]
Among the members of ilirci, who were named by the mađaroni after 1843 as the narodnjaci (i.e., the popolari), were and some members from the noble strata too. However, the strongest base of the Illyrian Party was the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia which were basically the main supporters of the party’s economic program and the linguistic policy. One of the most significant achievements by the illirci was an establishment of the Matica ilirska in Zagreb in 1842 (soon renamed into the Matica hrvatska) as the most important and representative national institution among the Croats. In the same year, Dragutin Rakovac issued the Mali katekizam za velike ljude in which he required the usage of the national language, printing Croatian national literature, education in the Croatian language and the preservation of the Croatian state-historical (municipal) rights. The Illyrian adherent Ivan Svear issued in 1842 the first historical book written in the “Croatian” language with the title: Ogledalo Ilirijuma (the “Illyrian mirror”).
The first and one of the most important political struggles between the Illyrian Party and the Croatian-Hungarian Party occurred in the municipal assembly of the city of Varaždin in 1841. To be exact, during the session of the assembly, a leader of the Croatian-Hungarian Party, count Ivan Erdödy, proposed that the Croatian deputies in the Hungarian Dieta in Bratislava/Pozsony should be appointed by the Hungarian authorities, but not by the Croatian-Slavonian Sabor in Zagreb. In the case that such proposal would be accepted, Croatia-Slavonia will lose administrative autonomy within the Kingdom of Hungary. However, this proposal did not pass mainly thanks to Matelo Ožegović who was from the Illyrian Party and who succeeded to convince the other deputies of the assembly that this proposal basically would nullify Croatian-Slavonian autonomous rights. The political fights in Croatia-Slavonia after this episode became intensified, predominantly in Zagreb, until the prohibition of the use of the Illyrian name in 1843 by the Habsburg Emperor.[34]
Prof. Dr. Vladislav B. Sotirović
www.global-politics.eu/sotirovic
sotirovic@global-politics.eu
© Vladislav B. Sotirović 2020
Endnotes:
[1] About the national awakening of the Slavs in the Habsburg Monarchy in the first half of the 19th century, see [J. Bérenger, A History of the Habsburg Empire 1700–1918, London−New York: 1997, 145–147].
[2] By the ethnic origin he was a Hungarian from Croatia whose original surname was Farkas what is in the Hungarian wolf. During the first years of the Illyrian Movement he translated his surname into the Croatian (Slavic) Vukotinović (vuk = wolf). The same happened with the most famous Croatian composer at that time – Vatroslav Lisinski. His original family name was Fuchs what is in the German fox. However, he adopted a Croatian (Slavic) translation of his original family name – Lisinski (lisica = fox) [I. Perić, Povijest Hrvata, Zagreb: Krinen, 1997, 1997, 162].
[3] On the Muslim identity and tradition in Bosnia-Herzegovina, see [R. J. Donia, J. V. A. Fine, Bosnia and Hercegovina: A Tradition Betrayed, New York: Columbia University Press, 1994; M. Pinson, The Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996].
[4] D. Pavličević, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i prošireno izdanje, Zagreb: Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić, 2000, 248–249.
[5] D. Pavličević, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i prošireno izdanje, Zagreb: Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić, 2000, 250–251.
[6] G. M., “Hrvatski jezik”, Narodne novine, 241, Zagreb, 1857.
[7] П. Милосављевић, Срби и њихов језик: Хрестоматија, Приштина: Народна и универзитетска библиотека, 1997, 28–30.
[8] D. Pavličević, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i prošireno izdanje, Zagreb: Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić, 2000, 250–251; I. Perić, Povijest Hrvata, Zagreb: Krinen, 1997, 157–159.
[9] В. С. Караџић, „Срби сви и свуда“, Ковчежић за историју, језик и обичаје Срба сва три закона, 1, Беч, 1849; Р. Љушић, Књига о Начертанију. Национални и државни програм кнежевине Србије (1844), Београд: БИГЗ, 1993.
[10] V. B. Sotirović, „Nineteenth-century ideas of Serbian ’linguistic’ nationhood and statehood“, Slavistica Vilnensis, 49 (2), Vilnius, 2000, 7−24.
[11] Lj. Gaj, “Čije je kolo?”, Danica ilirska, 31, Zagreb, 1. 8. 1846.
[12] П. Ивић, Српски народ и његов језик, Београд, 1971, 186.
[13] П. Ивић, О језику некадашњем и садашњем, Београд, Приштина, 1990, 10.
[14] A. Leskien, Grammatik der Serbo-kroatischen Sprache. 1. Teil. Lautlehre, Stammbildung, Formenlehre, Heidelberg, 1914. P. J. Šafařik in his work Slowansky narodopis, Praha, 1842 (reprinted in 1955) on pages 146–147 named the language of Dalmatia as the Serb one. This opinion was severely criticized by Vjekoslav Babukić, one of the most prominent leaders of the Illyrian Movement, who named the language of both Croatia and Dalmatia as the horvatski [“V. Babukić to P. J. Šafařik”, Zagreb, 1842, National and university library in Zagreb, R 3992a].
[15] P. J. Šafařik, Slowansky narodopis, Praha, 1955 (reprinted from 1842), 144–150; I. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics, Ithaca−London, 1993, 80–82.
[16] I. Perić, Povijest Hrvata, Zagreb: Krinen, 1997, 163.
[17] V. Jagić, Izabrani kraći spisi, Zagreb, 1948, 19–98; V. Jagić, Djela, Zagreb, 1953.
[18] For instance [В. С. Караџић, “Срби сви и свуда”, Ковчежић за историју, језик и обичаје Срба сва три закона, 1, Беч, 1849, 1–27; Љ. Стојановић, “Приступна академска беседа Љуб. Стојановића”, Глас Српске краљевске академије, LII, Београд, 1896]. See more about this problem in [V. B. Sotirović, “Nineteenth-century ideas of Serbian “linguistic” nationhood and statehood”, Slavistica Vilnensis, 49 (2), Vilnius, 2000, 7–24].
[19] J. Šidak et al., Hrvatski narodni preporod-Ilirski pokret, Drugo izdanje, Zagreb, 1990, 134–138; D. Pavličević, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i prošireno izdanje, Zagreb: Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić, 2000, 252.
[20] J. Horvat, Politička povjest Hrvatske, I, Zagreb, 1990, 73–76.
[21] On the history of Serbia from 1830 to 1839, see [Р. Љушић, Кнежевина Србија (1830−1839), Београд: САНУ, 1986].
[22] The first Habsburg planes to occupy the Balkans date back at the time of the Illyrian Movement in 1844 (when Ilija Garašanin wrote a Načertanije) [Ч. Попов, Велика Србија – стварност и мит, Сремски Карловци−Београд, 2007, 105].
[23] According to many historiographic works on the origin of the WWI, it was exactly a confrontation of the Habsburg imperialism with the Serb nationalism that as a pretext brought the world to the Great War of 1914−1918. On this issue, see more in [J. S. Levy, J. A. Vasquez (eds.), The Outbreak of the First World War, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014; T. G. Otte, July Crisis: The World’s Descent into War, Summer 1914, Cambridge University Press, 2014; S. McMeekim, July 1914: Countdown to War, New York: Basic Books, 2014; М. Радојевић, Љ. Димић, Србија у Великом Рату 1914−1918. Кратка историја, Београд: СКЗ−Београдски форум за свет равноправних, 2014; М. Бјелајац, 1914−2014: Зашто ревизија? Старе и нове контроверзе о узроцима Првог светског рата, Београд: Медија центар „Одбрана“, 2014].
[24] М. Радојевић, Љ. Димић, Србија у Великом Рату 1914−1918. Кратка историја, Београд: СКЗ−Београдски форум за свет равноправних, 2014, 50−51.
[25] Č. Popov, Građanska Evropa (1770−1871). Druga knjiga. Politička istorija Evrope, Novi Sad: Matica Srpska, 1989, 83−88.
[26] On the Hungarian struggles against Vienna at the time of Enlightenment, reforms and the 1848−1849 Revolution (1711−1849), see [L. Kontler, Millenium in Central Europe: A History of Hungary, Budapest: Atlantisz Publishing House, 1999, 191−260]. On liberalism and nationalism in the Habsburg Monarchy, see [S. B. Várdy, A. H. Várdy, The Austro-Hungarian Mind: At Home and Abroad, New York: Columbia University Press, 1989, 73−134].
[27] П. Рокаи, З. Ђере, Т. Пал, А. Касаш, Историја Мађара, Београд: Clio, 2002, 416. According to the 1910 census, in Austria-Hungary there were 51,356,465 inhabitants: the Germans and Hungarians – 22,077,661 (42,9%); the Slavs – 24,388,413 (47,7%); the others – 4,089,391 (9,3%) [М. Радојевић, Љ. Димић, Србија у Великом Рату 1914−1918. Кратка историја, Београд: СКЗ−Београдски форум за свет равноправних, 2014, 54].
[28] В. Крестић, Бискуп Штросмајер у светлу нових извора, Нови Сад, 2002, 61.
[29] М. Радојевић, Љ. Димић, Србија у Великом Рату 1914−1918. Кратка историја, Београд: СКЗ−Београдски форум за свет равноправних, 2014, 48. On the issue of a Greater Serbia, see [В. Ђ. Крестић, М. Недић (уредници), Велика Србија. Истине, заблуде, злоупотребе, Зборник радова са Међународног научног скупа одржаног у Српској академији наука и уметности у Београду од 24−26. Октобра 2002. Године, Београд: СКЗ, 2003; Ч. Попов, Велика Србија – стварност и мит, Сремски Карловци−Београд, 2007].
[30] On Ferenc Deák, see [B. Kiraly, Ferenc Deak, (World Leaders), Twayne Publishing, 1975].
[31] J. Хорват, Политичке странке у Хрвата и њихове идеологије, Београд, 1939, 65.
[32] Ljudevit Farkaš wrote in his book Ilirizam i Croatizam in 1842 that a Croatian political life is in “Croatism”, while a Croatian cultural life is in “Ilirism”.
[33] J. Horvat, Ljudevit Gaj – njegov život, njegovo doba, Zagreb, 1975, 179–185.
[34] J. Horvat, Politička povjest Hrvatske, I, Zagreb, 1990, 62–63.
