Resolving the “Serbian Question” – One 19th-Century Project (I)

Hits: 1071

Introduction

The article addresses a linguistically based project on Serbian ethnonational identity and a language-based political model for the creation of the Serbian united ethnonational state in the Balkans drafted by the most famous Serbian philologist Vuk Stefanović Karadžić in 1836 and further developed by Serbia’s statesman Ilija Garašanin in 1844. The most significant problem with respect to V. S. Karadžić’s “Срби сви и свуда“ (“Serbs All and Everywhere”) and I. Garašanin’s Начертаније (Outline) – two programmatic works in which the project of resolving the “Serbian Question” was developed in 1836/1844, is their interpretation and understanding of the historiographical traditions of different nations, especially those of Serbian and Croatian historians, philologists and political scientists. It provoked discussion and intellectual friction within the political ideology of the Balkan nations until the destruction of Yugoslavia (1991–1995) and after it.

The cardinal aim of this article is to investigate a linguistic aspect of the ideological framework in making both Serbian national identity and national state- building program created in the first half of the 19th century by two different Serbian writers and public figures – V. S. Karadžić and I. Garašanin. In subsequent decades this “linguistic” framework of national identity became one of the cornerstones of the Serbian national ideology and foreign policy of Serbia. The question of national identity and the creation of a united national state occupied the first place on the agenda in the minds of the leading Serbian intellectuals and politicians in the first half of the 19th century. Imbued by ideas of German Romanticism and the French Revolution, Serbian patriotic public actors set up a goal to create an ideological-political framework for Serbian national liberation from foreign occupation – the Roman Catholic Austrian Empire and the Islamic Ottoman Empire (Sultanate). Therefore, the present work investigates the linguistic model of national identification of the South Slavs designed by V. S. Karadžić in 1836 and the program for the restructuring of the political map of the Balkan Peninsula drafted by I. Garašanin in 1844.

There are three goals of this article:

  1. To investigate how language influenced Serbian national ideologies in the first half of the 19th-century.
  2. To discuss how V. S. Karadžić, the most influential Serbian 19th-century philologist, and I. Garašanin, the most important Serbian 19th century politician, answered the fundamental question of Serbian nationalism from the perspective of 19th century Romanticism, i.e., who are the Serbs and what are the borders of a united Serbian national state?
  3. To define the structure of Serbian linguistic patriotic nationalism in the first half of the 19th century.

The works of both authors belong primarily to the history of South Slavic philology and nationalism, which unfortunately has not been given satisfactory attention by Yugoslav researchers in the last century, mainly because the topic of South Slavic nationalism (including the linguistic one) has been considered as ideologically “destructive” for Yugoslavia’s multiethnic union. Therefore, the studies of nationalism, national determination, and creation of national states, were either partially neglected or given subjective interpretations influenced by prevailing political views.[1] However, the 19th and 20th-century historical development of the South Slavs cannot be properly reconstructed without attempts to investigate objectively the development of South Slavic nationalism, especially the linguistic one. This article is a contribution to these attempts.

Historical Background

This section examines the historical conditions in which the Serbs as a nation lived at the time of V. S. Karadžić and I. Garašanin. In the early and middle part of the 19th century, the historical and ethnical Serbian territories were divided between two states, the Austrian Empire and the Ottoman Empire. A greater number of ethnolinguistic Serbs inhabited the Ottoman Empire than the Austrian Empire.

The Serbs in the Ottoman Empire

The Ottoman Empire was the Muslim state governed by ethnic Turks from 1299 to 1923 under the Turkish ruling dynasty of the Ottomans (the Osmans). It was established by the founder of the dynasty Osman I in North-West Anatolia (Asia Minor) but soon expanded by his successors into the whole of Asia Minor and the largest portion of South-East Europe. At its height in around 1600, the Ottoman Empire included North Africa, the Middle East, Asia Minor, almost all of South-East Europe, the southern part of Central Europe, the East Mediterranean islands and Crimea. After the Great Vienna War of 1683−1699 the Ottoman Empire began to decline rapidly and in the 19th century it became known in Europe as the “sick man at the Bosporus”. It eventually collapsed in 1923 after the Greco-Ottoman War of 1919−1923. The “Eastern Question” or the destiny of the European Ottoman possessions entered its final stage with the Serbian Revolution of 1804−1815 and the Greek Wars of Independence in 1821−1829.[2] Nevertheless, the Serbian rebels in 1804−1815 were the first to insist that the “Eastern Question” had to be resolved according to the principle of ethnic rights (or the nationality principle).[3]

The Ottoman possessions on the Balkan Peninsula consisted of several pashaliks, the largest administrative-territorial units in the Ottoman Empire;[4] the most important for future Serbian history was the Belgrade pashalik which was administratively subdivided into twelve nahijas, or districts.[5] The central and principal part of the Belgrade pashalik was the region of Šumadija (“Woodland”), where two insurrections against the Ottoman administration took place from 1804 to 1815; in subsequent years this pashalik became the core of an independent Serbia and later of Yugoslavia.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the Belgrade pashalik was surrounded by the pashaliks of Niš, Leskovac, Novi Pazar, Sjenica and Zvornik, in which the ethnolinguistic Serbs of all denominations comprised an absolute majority. The Serbs also lived in the pashaliks of Herzegovina, Bosnia, and Scodra which did not border directly on the Belgrade pashalik. The Orthodox Christians of the de facto independent (from 1688) Montenegro (Crna Gora) declared themselves to be a part of the Serbian nation as well.[6] Montenegro was only nominally incorporated into the Ottoman administrative system with the governor or pasha, appointed by an Imperial Council, or Divan in Istanbul (Constantinople).[7]

It is important to note that the Serbian population was exclusively Orthodox Slavic in the Belgrade pashalik only, while in all other pashaliks Orthodox Serbs lived together with the South Slavic Muslims, Roman Catholics and Bulgarians, as well as with both Roman Catholic and Muslim ethnic Albanians (the Arbanashes)[8] and the Albanized Serbs in Kosovo-Metochia (the Arnauts).[9]

For the very reason of such ethnographic distribution of the ethnolinguistic Serbs and their mixing with the other ethnolinguistic groups in the Balkans, some historians have considered so-called Serbia proper to consist only of the territory of the Belgrade pashalik.[10] It is estimated that liberated Serbia during the First Insurrection (1804–1813) against the Ottoman authorities had about 500,000 inhabitants.[11] Yugoslav scholars have suggested that in the mid-19th century there were, in the aggregate, approximately 2,000,000 Serbs under the Ottoman administration.[12]

Like the other subordinated Christians within the Muslim Ottoman Empire, the Serbs, according to the Serbian Orthodox Church, the South Slavic Orthodox Christian population who spoke the Štokavian speech/language[13] lived mainly in the villages and the countryside and were occupied with farming and cattle breeding. The Roman Catholic Croats from Bosnia-Herzegovina held the same social status as the Christian Orthodox Serbs.[14] Both the Serbs and the Croats within the Ottoman Empire belonged to the subordinated social strata of extra tax-payers – the raya (serfs).

During the Ottoman occupation, Bosnia-Herzegovina became a symbol of ethnic and religious mixing and co-existence of peoples in South-East Europe (1463−1878). At the beginning of the 19th century, the South Slavic Muslims slightly outnumbered the Christian population in Bosnia-Herzegovina, while the Serbs substantially outnumbered the Croats in the same province.[15] According to French statistical records of 1809, around 700,000 Christians lived in Bosnia-Herzegovina: the Orthodox people were in a majority in West Bosnia and East Herzegovina, while the Roman Catholics were predominate in West Herzegovina.[16] Yugoslav historians estimated that the total population of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1865 numbered 1,278,850; the Orthodox 593,548, the Catholics 257,920, and the Muslims 419,628.[17]

The privileged administrative, legal and social status of the Muslims in contrast to the Christians became, apart from their religious diversity, the main source of conflicts and animosities among these three national (religious) groups on the territory of the South Slavic lands within the Ottoman Empire. According to Ottoman law and practice, only the Muslims as “Mohamed’s people” could obtain state office and privilege to move freely within the whole territory of the Ottoman Empire. In addition, the Muslims, in contrast to Christians, were not required to pay extra state taxes, like the harach and up to the mid-17th century the most terrible tax – devshirme or “taxation in blood”.[18]

It is evident that faith was the crucial point of political ideology and national determination under the Ottoman Empire.[19] It was specifically religion that linked the Balkan Muslims of [the] South Slavic origin to the Ottoman government, political ideology, and state interests. It was because of their new religion that the South Slavic Muslims were given the disparaging name as the Turks by their Christian compatriots. Undoubtedly, the Islamization of a certain part of the South Slavic population was one of the most remarkable achievements of the Ottoman administration.[20] For instance, the national affiliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina according to the Yugoslav census of 1991 was in percentages: 43,7 Muslims, 31,3 Serbs, 17,3 Croats, 7,0 “Yugoslavs” and others.[21]

The Balkans in 1859

The Serbs in the Austrian Empire

The multiethnic and multicultural Austrian Empire (1804−1867) was composed of the territories and peoples from whom the Habsburg emperors in Vienna demanded allegiance to the ex-Habsburg Monarchy. At the time when the Austrian Empire was the biggest Central European state in modern history, it occupied parts of the East and South-East Europe. It was ruled by the house of Habsburgs (originally from Switzerland) which was the most prominent European royal dynasty from the 15th to the 20th century. The founder of the dynasty’s power was Rudolf I (1273−1291) who began the family’s rule over Austria. The zenith of the Habsburg dynasty was reached under Charles I in the 16th century. At the beginning of the 19th century emperor Francis I ruled the Austrian Empire which consisted of the Habsburg hereditary lands of Bohemia, Hungary, Croatia and Transylvania in addition to Galicia, Dalmatia, Venetia, and Lombardy. In 1867 the Austrian Empire was transformed into Austria-Hungary or the Dual Monarchy and as such lasted until 1918. The biggest ethnolinguistic groups of the Austrian Empire were the Germans, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Serbs, Croats, Romanians, Poles, and Italians.[22]

In the first half of the 19th century, a smaller number of Serbs lived in the Habsburg Austrian Empire (Austria-Hungary from 1867). They were settled in a non-military area in Hungary and Croatia-Slavonia and the Military Border region (Figure 2). This region was established on the Habsburg Monarchy’s border with the Ottoman Empire in the mid-16th century and was divided into eleven military regiments. When the Austrian Empire gained the former Venetian lands of Dalmatia and Boka Kotorska[23] at the Congress of Vienna in 1815,[24] the number of the ethnolinguistic Christian Orthodox Serbian residents within the Austrian Empire increased significantly: in 1792 there were 667,247 Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, while in 1847 the Serbian population in both civilian areas within Hungary and Croatia-Slavonia and the Military Border region reached 896,902.[25] In 1796 there were 51,071 Orthodox inhabitants, out of 256,000, in Dalmatia which at that time was under Venetian rule.[26] The Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy and from 1804 the Austrian Empire enjoyed their historical rights based on the privileges given to them by several Habsburg emperors. These privileges permitted them both ecclesiastic and educational autonomy. The exact obligations of the Serbs in the Military Border region were fixed in 1807 during the Napoleonic era.

Within the Habsburg Monarchy, the cultural center for the Serbs before the mid-18th century was Vienna. It then shifted to Budapest because of intensified censorship in Vienna, and, in the end, it was transferred to Novi Sad in the early 19th century.[27] The religious life of the Serbs in the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy was concentrated in ancient monasteries and churches. The Serbian Orthodox Church became a leading national institution preserving the national legend and historical memory of Serbia’s medieval statehood and a national language and alphabet of the Serbs. This was of particular importance in such ethnically mixed areas as Bosnia-Herzegovina, Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia.[28]

The Serbs were a divided nation not only politically but also from the point of view of church jurisdiction. The Serbs from the Ottoman Empire belonged to the Greek Patriarchate of Constantinople, having lost their autonomous church organization, the Patriarchate of Peć in 1766. At the same time, the Serbs from the Austrian Empire developed their own national autonomous church organization, the Metropolitanate of (Srem’s) Karlovci (1691−1848), which was supervised by the government of the Habsburg Monarchy and from 1804 the Austrian Empire.[29]

The main task of the Serbian Orthodox clergy in both the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy/Austrian Empire was to keep the Serbian (Christian Orthodox) nation from being converted to either Islam or Roman Catholicism. For this purpose, they created a theory according to which only the Christian Orthodox members of the South Slavic community who spoke the Štokavian dialect (i.e., the Serbian language) belonged to the Serbian nation. At the same time, the Serbian clergy proclaimed the Church Slavonic language and Old Cyrillic writing system as the cardinal symbols of the Serbian nationality in addition to the Christian Orthodoxy. The Cyrillic alphabet was of crucial importance to Serbs in the ethnically mixed areas. These letters became a remarkable symbol of their national identity, especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slavonia, Dalmatia, and Croatia.[30]

A Serbian type of the Church Slavonic language was the literary (book) language of medieval Serbia. However, this language had undergone significant changes from the 12th to the 18th century. Liturgical services were performed in such a language, which was designated as the Slavonic-Serbian literary language in the 18th century.[31]

The Slavonic-Serbian literary language was significantly influenced in the 18th century by the Russian redaction of the Church Slavonic language as a result of the impact of the Russian liturgical books which were used by the Serbian Christian Orthodox clergy. The process of bringing together the two types of the Church Slavonic language (the Russian and the Serb) was initiated in 1727, when the Moscow Holy Synod sent a mission to Srem’s Karlovci, the location of the headquarters of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Habsburg Monarchy. The mission’s main achievement appears to have been the adoption of a Russified version of the Serbian type of [the] Church Slavonic as the literary language of the Austrian Serbs. Therefore, the Serbs from the Habsburg Monarchy and later the Austrian Empire became more and more politically and culturally oriented toward the (Orthodox) Russian Empire and Serbia then toward (Roman Catholic and Protestant) Western Europe. When the mission completed its service in 1737 and went back to Moscow, the Serbian Christian Orthodox clergy maintained the attachment to Russian cultural and church traditions, as the only apparent way to keep the Austrian Serbs from the Germanization, Magyarization, Croatization, and conversion to Roman Catholicism. The cult of the 1389 Kosovo Battle and martyrdom of Serbia’s Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović for both Christendom and Serbdom played the cardinal role in the process of preserving Serbian national identity either in the Ottoman Empire or the Habsburg Monarchy/Austrian Empire.[32]

From the time of the Ottoman occupation of the Serbian people and lands in the 15th century, the essence of Serbian political ideology was national liberation and revival of the national (pre-Ottoman) statehood.[33] The national dream of a free and united Serbian state began to be realized at the beginning of the 19th century, with two Serbian insurrections against the Ottoman authorities in 1804–1813 and 1815.[34] The first political plan for the revival of the medieval Serbian state was drafted by Stevan Stratimirović, the Metropolitan of the Metropolitanate of (Srem’s) Karlovci, in 1804.[35] This was followed by a plan in 1808 by Russia’s deputy in Serbia, Konstantin K. Rodofinikin, and Serbia’s Secretary of the State Council, Ivan Jugović.[36]

The Serbian state was de facto re-established in 1815 and adopted its first modern Constitution in 1835.[37] The author of the Constitution, the Austrian Serb Dimitrije Davidović, used as a model the modern liberal-democratic Constitutions of Belgium and Switzerland. For this reason, Davidović’s Constitution of modern Serbia was labeled by the Russian Minister of Exterior as “a French garden in Serbia’s forest”.[38]

Prince Miloš Obrenović I (1815–1839) continued to develop a Serb national ideology of reviving the Serbian statehood, designing a plan to enlarge the ancient state by incorporating into the united Serbia all the lands of the Ottoman Empire that were inhabited by the ethnic Serb majority at that time, particularly Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sanjak (Raška) and Kosovo-Metochia.[39]

To be continued with the second and last part

Endnotes:

[1] On nationalism, see: Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge−New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Steven Grosby, Nationalism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford−New York: Oxford University Press, 2005); Umut Özkirimli, Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010); John Coakley, Nationalism, Ethnicity & the State: Making & Breaking Nations (Los Angeles−London: Sage Publications Ltd, 2012).

[2] On the “Eastern Question”, see: Matthew S. Anderson, The Eastern Question: 1774−1923 (St. Martin’s Press, 1966); Lucien J. Frary and Mara Kozelsky, eds., Russian-Ottoman Borderlands: The Eastern Question Reconsidered (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2014).

[3] Васиљ Поповић, Источно питање (Београд: Геца Кон, 1928), 119.

[4] On the Ottoman society and state organization, see: Norman Itzkowitz, Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition (New York, 1972); Halil Inalçik, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300−1600 (New York, 1973); Lord Kinross, The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire (New York: Morrow Quill Paperbacks, 1977); Jason Goodwin, Lords of the Horizons: A History of the Ottoman Empire (New York: Picador, 1998); Donald Quataert, The Ottoman Empire 1700−1922 (Cambridge−New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Caroline Finkel, Osman’s Dream; The Story of the Ottoman Empire 1300−1923 (New York: Basic Books, 2005);  Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009); William Deans, History of the Ottoman Empire (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2014).

[5] For a discussion of the Belgrade pashalik at the eve of the Serbian Revolution, see: Душан Пантелић, Београдски пашалук пред први српски устанак (1794−1804) (Београд: Српска академија наука, 1949).

[6] On ethnic and national identity of the Montenegrins, see: Milisav Glomazić, Etničko i nacionalno biće Crnogoraca (Beograd: TRZ „Panpublik“, 1988).

[7] Leopold Ranke, A History of Servia and the Servian Revolution (New York, 1973), 8; Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia 1804−1918, Vol. 1 (New York−London, 1976), 20.

[8] The Western historiography and media intentionally for the political reasons are calling Kosovo-Metochia’s Arbanashes as the Albanians and at such a way giving moral legitimization to the creation of a Greater Albania. See, for instance: Pierre Pean, Sébastien Fontenelle, Kosovo: Une Guerre “Juste” pour Créer Etat Mafieux (Librairie Arthème Fayard, 2013).

[9] The Arnauts in Kosovo-Metochia were originally ethnolinguistic Serbs who became in the course of time Albanized and Islamized. It is estimated that in 1912 Arnauts comprised around one-third of the total Albanian-speaking population in Kosovo-Metochia. The process of Albanization of the Serbs in Kosovo-Metochia was, according to the relevant historical sources, most intensive in the 19th century. On the Arnauts of Kosovo-Metochia and the process of Albanization of Kosovo-Metochia’s Orthodox Serbs, see: Душан Т. Батаковић, Косово и Метохија: Историја и идеологија (Београд: Чигоја штампа, 2007), 41−52.

[10] In my view, based on the ethnohistorical development of the Serb nation, only Kosovo-Metochia can be identified as the real Serbia proper. On Kosovo-Metochia’s role in Serbia’s and Serbian history, see: Радован Самарџић et al., Косово и Метохија у српској историји (Београд: СКЗ, 1989); Rade Mihaljčić, The Battle of Kosovo in History and in Popular Tradition (Beograd: BIGZ, 1989); Раде Михаљчић, Јунаци косовске легенде (Београд: БИГЗ, 1989); Душан Т. Батаковић, Косово и Метохија: Историја и идеологија (Београд: Чигоја штампа, 2007).

[11] The Serbian Revolution of 1804−1815 had two stages: 1) From the struggle for autonomy within the Ottoman Empire to the creation of the sovereign nation (1804−1807), and 2) From the state independence to the political-national autonomy in the Ottoman Empire (1807−1815): Милорад Екмечић, Дуго кретање између клања и орања. Историја Срба у новом веку (1492−1992) (Београд: Евро-Ђунти, 2010), 127−202.

[12] Ivan Božić, Sima Ćirković, Milorad Ekmečić, Vladimir Dedijer, Istorija Jugoslavije, “Stanovništvo u jugoslovenskim zemljama XIX veka,” (Beograd: Prosveta, 1973), table on page 289.

[13] Nikolaj Velimirović, Religion and Nationality in Serbia (London: BiblioLife, LLC, 1915); Vladislav B. Sotirović, “The Memorandum (1804) by the Karlovci Metropolitan Stevan Stratimirović”, Serbian Studies. Journal of the North American Society for Serbian Studies (Vol. 24, Nos. 1−2, Bloomington, IN, 2012), 27−48.

[14] According to Croatian scholars, the Croats were the South Slavic Roman Catholic population who spoke the Croatian language composed by the western part of the Štokavian dialect, Kajkavian, and Čakavian dialects. On this issue, see more in: Milan Moguš, Povijest hrvatskoga književnoga jezika (Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Globus, 1993); Sima Ćirković, “Religious Factor in Forming of Cultural and National Identity”, Religion & War (Belgrade, 1994); Miro Kačić, Hrvatski i srpski. Zablude i krivotvorine (Zagreb: Zavod za lingvistiku Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, 1995); Mijo Lončarić, Hrvatski jezik (Opole: Uniwersztet Opolski-Instztut Filologii Polskiej, 1998). Compare with: Павле Ивић, О језику некадашњем и садашњем (Београд: БИГЗ−Јединство, 1990); Петар Милосављевић, Срби и њихов језик. Хрестоматија (Приштина: Народна и универзитетска библиотека, 1997); Петар Милосављевић, Српски филолошки програм (Београд: Требник, 2000).

[15] For a discussion on the ethnolinguistic origins of the Muslim population in Bosnia-Herzegovina, see: Иван Вуковић, Истина, Лазо М. Костић, Чија је Босна? (Нови Сад: Добрица књига, 1999); Лазо М. Костић, Наука утврђује народност Б-Х муслимана. Етнографска студија (Србиње−Нови Сад: Добрица књига, 2000).

[16] Владимир Стојанчевић et al., Историја српског народа. Пета књига. Први том. Од Првог устанка до Берлинског конгреса 1804−1878 (Београд: Српска књижевна задруга, 1981), 10−12.

[17] Božić et al., Istorija Jugoslavije, 293.

[18] The practice of devshirme had its literary examination by Ivo Andrić, a Serb from Bosnia-Herzegovina and the only Yugoslav Nobel prize winner (in 1961) for literature for his historical novel The Bridge over Drina (1945): Иво Андрић, На Дрини ћуприја (Београд: Књига-комерц, 1997).

[19] Itzkowitz, Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition; Inalçik, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300−1600.

[20] For a discussion of the historical development of the Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina, see: Robert J. Donia and John V. A. Fine, Jr., Bosnia and Hercegovina: A Tradition Betrayed (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994); Mark Pinson, ed., The Muslims of BosniaHerzegovina. Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia (Harvard (USA): Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs XXVIII, 1996).

[21] Tim Judah, The Serbs. History, Myth & the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven−London: Yale University Press, 1997), 317. About national composition of other Yugoslav provinces from 1918 to 1991, ibid., 311–317.

[22] For the history of the Austrian Empire and Habsburg Monarchy, see: Robert A. Kann, A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526−1918 (Berkeley−Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974); Alan J. P. Taylor, The Habsburg Monarchy 1809−1918: A History of the Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary (London−New York: Penguin Books, 1990); Jean Bérenger, A History of the Habsburg Empire 1700−1918 (London−New York: Longman, 1997); Benjamin Curtis, The Habsburgs: The History of a Dynasty (London−New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013); Sidney Whitman, A Short History of the Austrian Empire From the Earliest Times to 1898 (Didactic Press, 2014); Simon Winder, Danubia: A Personal History of Habsburg Europe  (Basingstoke−Oxford: Picador, 2014).

[23] On the history of Venice, see: William H. McNeill, Venice: The Hinge of Europe, 1081−1797 (Chicago−London: The University of Chicago Press, 1986); John J. Norwich, A History of Venice (New York: Vintage Books, 1989); Thomas F. Madden, Venice: A New History (New York: Viking, 2012).

[24] On the Congress of Vienna, see: Mark Jarret, The Congress of Vienna and its legacy: War and Great Power Diplomacy after Napoleon (London−New York: I.B.Tauris, 2014).

[25] On this issue see more in: Ђорђе Николајевић, „Епархија православна у Далмацији“, Српско-далматински магазин (бр. 15, Задар, 1850).

[26] Екмечић, Дуго кретање између клања и орања, 179.

[27] For discussion of the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Austrian Empire, see: Алекса Ивић, Историја Срба у Војводини (Нови Сад, 1929); Душан Ј. Поповић, Срби у Војводини (Нови Сад: Матица српска, 1990); Славко Гавриловић, Срби у Хабсбуршкој Монархији (1792−1849) (Нови Сад: Матица српска, 1994); Василије Ђ. Крестић, Историја Срба у Хрватској и Славонији 1848−1914 (Београд, 1995); Лазо М. Костић, Српска Војводина и њене мањине (Нови Сад: Добрица књига, 1999); Дејан Микавица, Српска Војводина у Хабзбуршкој Монархији 1690−1920. Историја идеје о држави и аутономији пречанских Срба (Нови Сад: 2005); Радослав И. Чубрило et al., Српска Крајина (Београд: Матић, 2011).

[28] Those ethnically mixed territories have been and are the cardinal cause of the interethnic conflicts between the Serbs and Croats: Лазо М. Костић, Спорне територије Срба и Хрвата (Београд: Досије, 1990). Especially it was a case with the ex-Austrian Military Border.

[29] On the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Austrian Empire, see: Радослав Грујић, „Автокефалност Карловачке митрополије“, Гласник историјског друштва у Новом Саду (II/3, Нови Сад, 1929), 365−379.

[30] On the importance of the Cyrillic script and the Serbian language for the Serb national identity in historical perspective, see: Лазо М. Костић, Ћирилица и Српство/О српском језику/Вук и Немци (Нови Сад: Добрица књига, 1999).

[31] Alexander Albin, “The Creation of the Slaveno-Serbski Literary Language”, The Slavonic and East European Review (XLVIII/113), 483−492.

[32] On the issue of the legend of the Kosovo Battle of 1389, see: Раде Михаљчић, Јунаци Косовске легенде (Београд: БИГЗ, 1989). On the history of the Serbs in the late Middle Ages, see: Јованка Калић, Срби у позном средњем веку. Друго издање (Београд: ЈП Службени лист СРЈ, 2001).

[33] For a discussion of the historical development of modern political thought among the Serbs, see: Чубриловић, Историја политичке мисли у Србији XIX века; Симеуновић, Из ризнице отаџбинских идеја.

[34] On this issue, see: Мирослав Р. Ђорђевић, Србија у устанку 1804−1813 (Београд: Рад, 1979); Радош Љушић, Вожд Карађорђе, 1 (Смедеревска Паланка: ИнвестЕкспорт, 1993); Радош Љушић, Вожд Карађорђе, 2 (Београд−Горњи Милановац: Војна књига, 1995).

[35] On this issue, see: Sotirović, “The Memorandum (1804) by the Karlovci Metropolitan Stevan Stratimirović.“

[36] Meriage P. Lawrence, “The First Serbian Uprising (1804−1813): National Revival or a Search for Regional Security”, Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism (4/1, 1976), 187−205.

[37] Serbia as an independent state was officially recognized by Europe in 1878 at the Berlin Congress. On political history of Serbia from 1804 to 1813, see: Мирослав Ђорђевић, Политичка историја Србије XIX и XX века. Књига прва (1804−1813) (Београд: Просвета, 1956).

[38] On this issue, see: Михаило Гавриловић, Из нове српске историје (Београд: Уједињење А.Д., 1926); Владимир Стојанчевић, Милош Обреновић и његово доба (Београд: Завод за уџбенике и наставна средства, 1990), 270−280.

[39] For details, see: Владимир Стојанчевић, „Кнез Милош према Порти и народним покретима у Турској 1828−29“, Зборник историјског музеја Србије (6, Београд, 1969). On the Principality of Serbia at the time of Prince Miloš Obrenović I, see: Радош Љушић, Кнежевина Србија (1830−1839) (Београд: САНУ, 1986).

 

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Vladislav B. Sotirović

www.global-politics.eu/sotirovic

sotirovic@global-politics.eu

© Vladislav B. Sotirović 2018

 


Origins of images: Facebook, Twitter, Wikimedia, Wikipedia, Flickr, Google, Imageinjection & Pinterest.

Read our Disclaimer/Legal Statement!

Donate to Support Us

We would like to ask you to consider a small donation to help our team keep working. We accept no advertising and rely only on you, our readers, to keep us digging the truth on history, global politics and international relations.

READ MORE!
Western Kosovo Meta-Mythology and Serbian Ethnohistory
A National traumaA national trauma which the Serbs after the fall of the Serbian national state and the Ottoman occupation experienced after June 20th, 1459[i] can be compared with that felt by Judea’s Jews after the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple in 70 AD.[ii] Since Serbia soon found herself well within the Ottoman Sultanate and the European Christian states were on defense from the victorious Muslim Ottoman Turks, no light at the end of the historical tunnel was seen and the whole nation sank into deep despair for the next four centuries. In a sense, the ...
READ MORE
The Multi-Party Elections in Serbia in 1990
PrefaceIt is the 30th anniversary of the first post-WWII democratic elections in Serbia and the rest of the ex-Yugoslavia.My aim in this article is to elaborate on the feature of the multi-party elections in Serbia in 1990 and to give an answer to the crucial question why did Slobodan Miloshevic with his SPS party win? After the investigation of the case we found that critical reasons for Miloshevic’s/SPS absolute electoral parliamentary and presidential victory in 1990 have been: 1) The countryside and small urban settlements voted for SPS due to the informative blockade; 2) Old population voted for SPS; 3) ...
READ MORE
Where do Matters Stand? Does the U.S. Intend to Wage War on Russia?
On the eve of World War II the United States was still mired in the Great Depression and found itself facing war on two fronts with Japan and Germany. However bleak the outlook, it was nothing compared to the outlook today. Has anyone in Washington, the presstitute Western media, the EU, or NATO ever considered the consequences of constant military and propaganda provocations against Russia? Is there anyone in any responsible position anywhere in the Western world who has enough sense to ask: “What if the Russians believe us? What if we convince Russia that we are going to attack her?”The ...
READ MORE
The Forgotten Orthodox Christians of Bosnia and Kosovo
I come from a member state of the European Union which is meant to uphold the rights of all religions, political ideologies, acknowledge national and cultural rights, and is meant to spread “European brotherhood.”  However, it appears that this does not apply to the Orthodox Christians of Bosnia and Kosovo respectively because not only have they been abandoned but outside Islamic powers are stepping up their Islamization agenda in both Bosnia and Kosovo. In Kosovo the de-Christianization of the Orthodox Christian community continues and hundreds of Orthodox Christian churches have been destroyed but little was done to protect this community.  It ...
READ MORE
Albanian Highlanders and Kosovo
South-East Serbia's province of Kosovo-Metochia (KosMet) is an autochthonous Slavic, in particular Serb, land. Now, the focal question became how this province became “disputed land”, and, in particular, what it has to do with ethnic-Albanians? In the following text, this issue is going to be considered in more details, from the geographical, (pre)historic, anthropologic, religious, and political points of view. We start with the geography, in particular, the physical geography of West Balkans.Kosovo Liberation Army, August 1998, Klechka village, KosMetThe region of Dinaric Alps It is known that physical and mental structures of a particular population are determined by many ...
READ MORE
NATO: Seeking Russia’s Destruction Since 1949
In 1990, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, U.S. president George H. W. Bush through his secretary of state James Baker promised Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev that in exchange for Soviet cooperation on German reunification, the Cold War era NATO alliance would not expand “one inch” eastwards towards Russia. Baker told Gorbachev: “Look, if you remove your [300,000] troops [from east Germany] and allow unification of Germany in NATO, NATO will not expand one inch to the east.” In the following year, the USSR officially dissolved itself. Its own defensive military alliance (commonly known as the Warsaw Pact) had already ...
READ MORE
Tito Disappeared in 1937: Yugoslavia was Led by a Russian Agent – FBI Documents
On April 20, 1955, Marijan John Markul entered the FBI’s Los Angeles office and told a shocking story. The man who then introduced himself as Marshal Josip Broz Tito was not actually him, but a Russian agent who assumed the identity of Tito after Josip Broz disappeared in Russia in 1937. This is stated in the FBI’s report from the beginning of May 1955, writes daily newspaper “Kurir”.Secret FBI reports from the fifties were recently opened and released to the public.Marijan Markul was born in Livno in 1909. He moved to the United States in 1936 and received citizenship in ...
READ MORE
The Legacy of Slobodan Milosevic
Slobodan Milosevic was faced with an extremely serious and deadly situation in the 1990s. Indeed, that applied to all Serbs at that time in the Balkans, and still does to this very day. Mr Milosevic was up against the West, led by America and followed by the European Union. After realising that the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia could not be saved, Milosevic did everything he could to safeguard the newly created Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and protect Serbs living in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo and Metohija. And because of that, the West imposed crippling and merciless sanctions on the ...
READ MORE
The Empire Wants Ms. Hitllary Clinton, The Conqueror!
What a fine race it has become! Both Hilary Clinton and Donald Trump are competing in it as a who is the ‘tougher guy/gal’ in what could be easily described as a 21st Century Tarantino-style (or Scorsese-style) political pulp fiction gore. What they both utter, may often sound like some staged bluff: “Are you talking to me? Hey, there’s nobody else here… Are you talking to me?” But just think for a moment what would really happen if one of them sticks to his or her ‘promises’ and ‘principles’, after getting elected! (The bullets would be flying, the nukes exploding, and millions ...
READ MORE
RT’s Inappropriate WWI Revisionism
Somewhere in the 20th century — it is difficult to determine precisely when, but many point to the 1990s anti-Serb craze — historical revisionism on WWI that would have been laughed out of the room in the 1920s and 1930s became widespread in the western mainstream media.Nobody should be surprised to learn this is an ailment that therefore also affects RT. The Russian-funded outlet is staffed by westerners and modeled after western news channels – and is as such frequently only marginally less wrong on numerous issues than its western counterparts. (All the more so when it comes to the little-understood Balkans.)Covering ...
READ MORE
Koszovó Csomója (1999)
A „rövid” XX. századot a balkáni lôporos hordó robbanása vezette be, és úgy látszik, addig nem is tud befejezôdni, amíg ezt a hordót jó mélyen és örökre el nem temetik. A koszovói konfliktus új fázisa – ha nem akarunk éppenséggel visszamenni az ôsidôkig, de legalábbis a rigómezei ütközetig (1389) vagy Arsenije Carnojevic és népe nagy elvándorlásáig (1698 – a tartomány szerb lakosága ekkor menekült el a török megtorlás elôl, és ekkor kezdôdött dél felôl az albánok tömeges betelepedése a lényegében lakatlanná vált területre) – nagyjából az elsô balkáni háborúval kezdôdött, és kisebb-nagyobb megszakításokkal tart ma is. A tartomány szerencsétlen helyen ...
READ MORE
An Idea of the Yugoslav Unification (3)
The Yugoslav Youth Movements The idea of the Yugoslav unification became a leading ideological force of several youth movements among all Yugoslavs either of those living in an independent Serbia and Montenegro or of those living in Austria-Hungary. Their political-ideological inspiration was a pan-Italian unification movement – Young Italy (La Giovane Italia), established by Giuseppe Mazzini in 1831 in France. The Yugoslav youth movements flourished between 1903 and 1914 by having different regional or other names but not exclusively ethnic ones in various Yugoslav lands like Omladina (Youth), Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnia), Mlada Dalmacija (Young Dalmatia), etc.[1] The Austrian general of the ...
READ MORE
Videos on Ex-Yugoslavia: Reverse Side of the Truth
Documentary films about ex-Yugoslavia not seen on global corporate mass-media news. For instance: US documentary movie "RETLINES" with English subtitle from 1991 about Vatican smuggling Croat Nazi Ustashi to South America in 1945 Ratlines were a system of escape routes for Nazis and other fascists fleeing Europe at the end of World War II. These escape routes mainly led toward havens in South America, particularly Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, Uruguay, and Chile. Other destinations included the United States and perhaps Canada and the Middle East. There were two primary routes: the first went from Germany to Spain, then Argentina; the second from Germany ...
READ MORE
Understanding NATO, Ending War
On 4 April 2019, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, better known as NATO, marked the 70th anniversary of its existence with a conference attended by the foreign ministers of member nations in Washington DC. This will be complemented by a meeting of the heads of state of member nations in London next December.Coinciding with the anniversary event on 4 April, peace activists and concerned scholars in several countries conducted a variety of events to draw attention to, and further document, the many war crimes and other atrocities committed by NATO (sometimes by deploying its associate and crony terrorist armies – ISIS, ...
READ MORE
The War on Yugoslavia, Kosovo “Self-Determination” and EU-NATO Support of KLA Terrorists: Dietmar Hartwig’s Warning Letters to Angela Merkel
It seems that the recent developments in Europe, and in particular the rising secessionism (Catalonia, Flandreau, Corsica, Veneto, Scotland), rings a bell, or rather is reminiscent of certain events. The ensuing ones are shedding more light on the roles of the EU (EEC), the USA, Great Britain and Germany. One wonders to what extent those democracies have been guided by the principles of international law and democracy pertaining to the Kosovo crisis.How much did they appreciate the reports of their (expensive) missions in Kosovo and Metohija (КDОМ, КVМ, ЕCMM) depicting the realities on the ground?To what extent have they been ...
READ MORE
Croatian President Kolinda Grabar Kitarovic Photographed Holding Nazi-Fascist Flag
The Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was a World War II puppet state of Germany and Italy, which was established in parts of Axis-occupied Yugoslavia. The NDH was founded on 10 April 1941, after the invasion of Yugoslavia by the Axis powers.A poster from the WWII Nazi Ustashi Independent State of Croatia with the state flag (Source: Instagram)The NDH consisted of modern-day Croatia and most of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as some parts of modern-day Serbia and Slovenia. The regime targeted Serbs, Jews, Roma people and anti-fascist or dissident Croatians and Muslims, as part of a large-scale genocide campaign ...
READ MORE
Why Putin Discriminates Kosovo Serbs?
On January 19th, 2016 on the bilateral meeting between Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and the official representatives of the European Jewish Congress the latter applied to Putin to take necessary steps for the sake to improve the generally bad position of the Jewish community on the Old Continent. Surprisingly, the President, not so much as a joke, invited both all the present-day European Jews and those Jews who left the USSR simply to immigrate to Russia. At the first glance one can say – very gentle and even democratic move by the President. However, lets a little bit to analyze the ...
READ MORE
The Idea of a Greater Croatia by Pavao Ritter Vitezović (I)
Introduction The article will examine the model for the creation of a Greater Croatia designed by a Croatian nobleman, publicist and historian Pavao Ritter Vitezović (1652–1713). The article will offer a new interpretation of the substance and significance of Vitezović’s political ideology. Many historians have viewed Vitezović’s political thought and his developed ideological framework of a united South Slavic state as part of a wider pan-Slavic world. According to the prevailing notion, Vitezović was a precursor of the idea of Yugoslavism (a united South Slavic nation-state) and even Pan-Slavism - a pan-Slavic cultural and political reciprocity. Yet a closer look at ...
READ MORE
Thank You, Edward S. Herman (1925-2017) – Tireless Champion of Peace
Edward S. Herman died on November 11, 2017, at the age of 92. Fortunately, it was a peaceful death for a supremely peaceful man. In all he did, Ed Herman was a tireless champion of peace.Ed Herman could be considered the godfather of antiwar media critique, both because of his own contributions and because of the many writers he encouraged to pursue that work. Thanks to his logical mind and sense of justice, he sharply grasped the crucial role and diverse techniques of media propaganda in promoting war. He immediately saw through lies, including those so insidious that few dare ...
READ MORE
If NATO Wants Peace and Stability it Should Stay Home
A curious op-ed appeared in The National Interest, penned by Hans Binnendijk and David Gompert, adjunct senior fellows at the RAND Corporation. Titled, “NATO’s Role in post-Caliphate Stability Operations,” it attempts to make a case for NATO involvement everywhere from Libya to Syria and Iraq in fostering stability in the wake of a yet-to-be defeated Islamic State. The authors propose that NATO step in to fill what it calls an impending “vacuum left as the caliphate collapses,” heading off alternatives including “chaos or Iran, backed by Russia, filling the void, with great harm to U.S. and allied interests in either case.” The op-ed never explains why ...
READ MORE
Western Kosovo Meta-Mythology and Serbian Ethnohistory
The Multi-Party Elections in Serbia in 1990
Where do Matters Stand? Does the U.S. Intend to Wage War on Russia?
The Forgotten Orthodox Christians of Bosnia and Kosovo
Albanian Highlanders and Kosovo
NATO: Seeking Russia’s Destruction Since 1949
Tito Disappeared in 1937: Yugoslavia was Led by a Russian Agent – FBI Documents
The Legacy of Slobodan Milosevic
The Empire Wants Ms. Hitllary Clinton, The Conqueror!
RT’s Inappropriate WWI Revisionism
Koszovó Csomója (1999)
An Idea of the Yugoslav Unification (3)
Videos on Ex-Yugoslavia: Reverse Side of the Truth
Understanding NATO, Ending War
The War on Yugoslavia, Kosovo “Self-Determination” and EU-NATO Support of KLA Terrorists: Dietmar Hartwig’s Warning Letters to Angela Merkel
Croatian President Kolinda Grabar Kitarovic Photographed Holding Nazi-Fascist Flag
Why Putin Discriminates Kosovo Serbs?
The Idea of a Greater Croatia by Pavao Ritter Vitezović (I)
Thank You, Edward S. Herman (1925-2017) – Tireless Champion of Peace
If NATO Wants Peace and Stability it Should Stay Home
Policraticus

Written by Policraticus

SHORT LEGAL DISCLAIMER: The website’s owner & editor-in-chief has no official position on any issue published at this website. The views of the authors presented at this website do not necessarily coincide with the opinion of the owner & editor-in-chief of the website. The contents of all material (articles, books, photos, videos…) are of sole responsibility of the authors. The owner & editor-in-chief of this website is not morally, scientifically or legally responsible for any inaccurate or incorrect statement in the contents of all material found on this website. The owner & editor-in-chief of this website is not responsible for the content of external internet sites. No advertising, government or corporate funding for the functioning of this website. The owner & editor-in-chief and authors are not morally, scientifically or legally responsible for any inaccurate or incorrect statement in the text and material found on the website www.global-politics.eu

Website: http://www.global-politics.eu