Last updated on 2018-10-24
After the referendum’s results held in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia on September 30th this year and the Western reactions on it (by the EU & NATO) it is absolutely clear that this small Balkan country is finally proven to be the Western puppet colony without its own real Government and above all the national sovereignty. To remind ourselves, the people of Macedonia were called to express their wish to change or not a state’s name into the Northern Macedonia and, therefore, its national name into the Northern Macedonians, in order to avoid further obstructions by neighboring Greece in the country’s accession to both the NATO and the EU. The deal on a new state’s and the national name was reached earlier this year by Macedonia’s and Greece’s PMs under the umbrella of Brussels but according to the Constitution, it has to be approved by the nation. Nevertheless, only Macedonia’s citizens went to the ballot boxes but not and their Greek counterparts. Of course, as in any even quasi-democratic political system, the success of the referendum requires an electoral-body’s activity of a minimum 50% plus one voter. However, a Macedonian voting activity counted only 36% of the active voters among whom 95% voted “Yes” that means two fundamental conclusions: 1) The referendum failed to be counted as a valid; and 2) The 2/3 of Macedonia’s voting body, de facto, told “No” to the deal with Greece.
Nonetheless, the Western “liberal democracies” of the NATO’s and EU’s Governmental structures immediately after the referendum’s results became known expressed their deep and sincere thanks to the Macedonian people for the support of Macedonia’s way to those two Western organizations. Simply, according to their democratic miracle-arithmetic, 1/3 (of voters) is higher than 2/3 (of voters)! But such political mathematics is quite understandable if we know that Macedonia simply has to become the NATO/EU’s member state by all means – regular or not no matter. On this place we have to keep in mind three crucial facts: 1) Macedonia, together with a neighboring Kosovo, has the focal geopolitical position at the Balkans; 2) The whole region is left to be an exclusive Western (the EU/NATO/USA) colonial territory or a “sphere of interest” since 2003 when the Russian peacekeepers left the region; and ) Macedonia is even from 1991 under a direct protectorate by the NATO troops just in the formal form of the UN protection forces. But at the same time, the question is what the Western “math-gangsters” are going to do in order to force 2/3 of Macedonia’s population to accept a name-deal with Greece? The answer is simple, workable, productive and already implemented two decades ago in the case of neighboring Serbia – the Kosovization of Macedonia. In other words, the Western “math-gangsters” will re-activate in a pure form a Kosovo syndrome in Macedonia in order to necessitate “Russian agents” to accept the name-deal for the sake of NATO/EU’s membership. The same happened with Serbia in 1998−1999: when Slobodan Miloshevic rejected the American ultimatum to transform Serbia into the Western political, financial, economic and military colony, immediately Kosovo’s Albanians were activated and the war with Serbia’s state’s authorities started. The end of Kosovization of Serbia is already well known.
An Albanian factor
What is really missing in the Western media reports on Macedonia’s referendum is a very and fundamental fact that 36% of the active voters were, in fact, predominantly ethnic Albanians while ethnic Macedonians boycotted it. This fact once again opened an Albanian Pandora box in Macedonia forcing domestic politicians and political analysts to start rethinking about Albanian-Macedonian relations after the dissolution of Yugoslavia. However, those relations were quite unpleasant and from many aspects directly linked with the destiny of Albanians in Kosovo. Every expert in current Macedonian political problems knows well that Macedonia’s Albanians, living in compact masses in the western part of the country, never felt Macedonia as their motherland but rather struggling for the territorial separation from the rest of Macedonia and even seeking the unification with a real motherland – (a Greater) Albania. It is as well as known that the inter Albanian-Macedonian conflicts, including and the Albanian military revolts, started from the very beginning of Macedonia’s proclamation of the independence and the adoption of a new Constitution in 1991. Subsequently, for the Western “math-gangsters” it is not going to be of any difficulty to fuel another war in the Balkans – in Macedonia.
As a matter of fact, it passed three years and a half after the last open armed conflict that was based on the interethnic Albanian-Slavic relations in Macedonia (in May 2015). However, it was just an expected continuation of constant tensions between the ethnic Albanians and the Macedonian Slavs during the last quarter of the century. However, these tensions are time to time transformed into the open armed conflicts of the Albanian extremists, usually coming from Kosovo, with the Macedonian security forces. The most notable conflict incident in Macedonia after the Kosovo War in 1998−1999, when the Kosovo Albanians started to export the Kosovo revolution to neighboring Macedonia is recorded in 2001. The conflict was ended by the EU/USA sponsored the Ohrid Framework Agreement that was signed on August 13th, 2001 in the favor of Macedonia’s Albanians, but a new conflict erupted in 2007 when on November 7th, the Macedonian special police forces liquidated six armed Albanians who came from neighboring Kosovo on the Shara Mt. in North Macedonia – the region known from 1991 as the most nationalistic and separatist Albanian area at the Balkans after Kosovo. A similar conflict occurred in the next year after the parliamentary elections in June just on a smaller scale of the violence. Nevertheless, in the 2007 case, for instance, police found a large number of hidden arms and ammunition on one location at the Shara Mt. (brought from Kosovo). Undoubtedly, many Balkan political analytics are kin to confirm that what is happening in Macedonia after 1999 is the export of the Western-sponsored Kosovo revolution from 1998−1999 what basically means that Macedonia is scheduled by the Kosovo Albanian “revolutionaries” (i.e., by the political leadership of the Kosovo Liberation Army−the KLA) to be the next Balkan country which will experience a “Kosovo syndrome” that was successfully finished by the proclamation of the Kosovo independence in February 2008. It is as well as assumed that Montenegro is already the third Balkan country that is directly infected by the process of Kosovization.
The pre-1991 “Macedonian Question”
Macedonia always was on the crossroads of the Balkans having one of the vital strategic positions at the peninsula. The geostrategic importance of Macedonia was probably expressed on the best way by the German PM (kanzellar) Otto von Bismarck: “Those who control the valley of the Vardar River are the masters of the Balkans”.
A whole historic-geographic territory of Macedonia was formerly part of the Ottoman Empire from 1371 to 1912. Macedonia was the first Yugoslav land to be occupied by the Ottomans and the last one to be liberated from the Ottoman yoke. Before the Ottoman lordship, Macedonia was governed by the Byzantine Empire, Bulgaria, and Serbia. A Bulgarian sponsored the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (the IMRO) was established in 1893 in Thessaloniki with the ultimate political goal to include whole Macedonia into Bulgaria. After the Balkan Wars of 1912−1913, a territory of historic-geographic Macedonia was partitioned between Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria. During the WWI Macedonia became a scene of fierce fighting between the Central Powers and the Entente (the Macedonian front). Allied forces landed at Thessaloniki in October 1915 to be soon accompanied with approximately 150.000 Serbian soldiers who escaped from occupied Serbia. In September 1918 under the French General Franchet d’Esperey, a joint British, French and Serbian army advanced against Bulgaria and soon liberated Serbia.
After the WWI, the Treaty of Neuilly confirmed Vardar Macedonia as a part of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, while Aegean Macedonia with Thessaloniki remained the Greek and Pirin Macedonia the Bulgarian. In the 1920s, a large population movement transformed the ethnic composition of the population of historic-geographic Macedonia. The crucial exchange of population occurred after the Treaty of Lausanne as some 350.000 Muslims from Macedonia were exchanged with Turkey by at least 1.200.000 ethnic Greeks from Anatolia. In the interwar time, a Bulgarian sponsored the IMRO terrorism activity increased in the Yugoslav Macedonia seeking to destabilize the country in order to finally annex Macedonia into Bulgaria. After 1945, Vardar Macedonia became a socialist republic within the Yugoslav federation with recognized a separate Macedonian nationality, Macedonian language, and alphabet which was standardized for the first time in history in socialist Yugoslavia. Up to 1991, the Yugoslav authorities fostered a Macedonian self-identity and nationalism at the expense of both the Serb and Bulgarian national interests. Therefore, for the very reason to keep a territorial integrity of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, its Albanian minority was not granted a status of an autonomous province as it was the case with Kosovo’s Albanians in Serbia who had, according to the last Yugoslav Constitution (1974), their own President, Constitution, Government, Assembly, police forces, the provincial defense system, the University of Prishtina, and finally, the Kosovo’s Academy of Sciences – a state within the state.
The post-1991 “Macedonian Question”
During the violent destruction of ex-Yugoslavia, in November 1991 the Socialist Republic of Macedonia proclaimed independence that was first recognized by Bulgaria. However, Bulgaria never recognized a separate Macedonian language and ethnicity as for the Bulgarians all Macedonian Slavs are the ethnolinguistic Bulgarians. Of course, when Skopje decided to declare independence the Macedonians decided at the same time to deal alone with the Albanian nationalism and separatism in Macedonia without the help by the Serbs. The central Government in Skopje believed at that time that the West will protect a territorial integrity of Macedonia and, therefore, yet in 1991 the NATO’s troops were invited to be deployed in this newly proclaimed independent state which became internationally recognized in 1993 but with a provisional state’s name of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (the FYROM) – a unique case in the world history. Nevertheless, a new Macedonian Constitution, a constitutional state’s name (the Republic of Macedonia) and the state’s symbols created immediately extremely tense and hostile relationships with a neighboring Greece as Skopje developed the rival (and, in fact, unjust) claims to the ethnohistorical heritage of the ancient Macedonians and the Kingdom of Macedon of Philip II and Alexander the Great. Greece and the FYROM recognized each other five years after the Macedonian official proclamation of independence when Greece lifted economic blockade against the FYROM as a consequence of the deal.
However, the crucial challenge to the post-1991 “Macedonian Question” is coming from the ethnic breakdown of the country and the historical background of interethnic relations between the Macedonian Slavs and the Macedonian Albanians. The latter are the biggest and most nationalistic ethnic minority in the FYROM composing today about 30% of the total population. Their number increased during the Kosovo War in 1998−1999, especially during the NATO’s “a prominent example of unauthorized humanitarian intervention” against Serbia and Montenegro, as the Kosovo Albanians, formally as the refugees, came to Macedonia followed by their compatriots from Albania – a country out of any warfare at that time. A majority of those Albanian “refugees”, in fact, never returned back to their homeland. Interethnic tensions between the Macedonian Slavs and the Macedonian Albanians soon became increased due to both worsening economic situation and the uncompromised Albanian nationalism as an effect of the exported the “Kosovo syndrome”.
The “Kosovo syndrome”
The export of the Kosovo revolution after 1999 as a direct outcome of the “Kosovo syndrome” to neighboring Macedonia is in direct connection with the much serious regional problem of the creation of a Greater Albania from 1878 up today. After June 1999 when the NATO’s troops occupied and divided Kosovo into five occupation zones, transforming this region into their colony, West Macedonia became a stronghold for the rebel Albanian terrorist forces which, in fact, came from Kosovo. The Macedonian Albanian separatism backed by the KLA’s paramilitary troops in the area of Tetovo, Kumanovo and Gostivar in North-West Macedonia became directly encouraged by the fact that neighboring Kosovo’s Albanians finally succeeded to separate Kosovo from the rest of Serbia with a direct NATO’s and EU’s military, political and diplomatic support. The same or very similar scenario was drawn now and for West Macedonia with Skopje as a capital of the Albanian independent state of the Republic of Ilirida – a state already proclaimed by the local Albanian nationalists twice after the destruction of ex-Yugoslavia: in 1992 and in September 2014. Of course, an ultimate goal is a pan-Albanian unification with Tirana as a capital of a Greater Albania as it was during the WWII. Here it has to be stressed that between Kosovo, West Macedonia, and Albania, in fact, there is no successful cross-border checking system as it is “controlled” by the Albanians themselves. Therefore, in practice, a Greater Albania already exists. Furthermore, the traffic connections between Tirana and Prishtina are planned to be radically improved as Kosovo’s Albanian Government agreed with the Government of Albania to connect their two capitals with a modern highway probably financially sponsored by the EU’s tax-payers.
It is clear that according to the strategy of the creation of a Greater Albania, the Albanian-populated territories of the FYROM between Albania’s border and the Vardar River are scheduled to be next regions to follow the case of Kosovo’s separation. The original tactic by the Albanian nationalist to separate the western portion of the FYROM from 1999 to 2001 was to struggle for the territorial-national autonomy within Macedonia with the obvious purpose to finally separate it from the rest of the country as they already did it with Kosovo. As a first institution to be established for the purpose to create such territorial-national autonomy was projected to be the University of Tetovo as an ideological spring of an independent Republic of Ilirida in the town that is designed to be its capital. The same role of territorial separatism played in Serbia the University of Prishtina – the university established by the Communist authorities to be exactly the ideological-nationalistic source of the Albanian separatism in Kosovo.
Just for the very political reasons, Macedonia’s Albanians formally accepted a concept of a multicultural society (the 2001 Ohrid Framework Agreement) but in practice they as the Muslims fight for the division of the society according to the ethnic-confessional lines and the transformation of self-proclaimed their “territory” into the Islamic Illiridastan according to the pattern of the creation of Kosovostan after June 1999. No doubt that both of Illiridastan and Kosovostan finally have to become the integral parts of a Greater Albania(stan) founded on the Islamic law and tradition according to the First Prizren League’s concept from 1878. The policy of ethnic and confessional separation in the FYROM is probably most visible in the case of country’s capital Skopje which is strictly divided on the Christian Macedonian (Slavonic) and Muslim Albanian parts. Macedonia’s Albanians being influenced by “Kosovo syndrome” are silently committing a policy of ethnic homogenization in West Macedonia, especially near the borders with Albania. Their claims of the pure propaganda nature that there are already up to 40% ethnic Albanians in the FYROM has as its political aim to obtain a constitutional status for the Albanians followed by a proclamation of the Albanian language as one of two state’s languages (like bilingual Belgium). However, according to the official 1994 census under the international observation control, there were 442.914 ethnic Albanians (22.9%) out of a total FYROM’s population that was at that time 1.936.877.
The “Macedonian Question” has always been at the heart of the Balkan politics and of high interest of the Great Powers. Macedonia – the small, landlocked territory at South Balkans has been contested during the last 150 years by all its four neighbors – Serbia, Bulgaria, Albania, and Greece. A Socialist Yugoslavia of Josip Broz Tito claimed to have solved the “Macedonian Question” by the establishment of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia as a part of the Yugoslav Federation from 1945 to 1991. Nonetheless, the destruction of second Yugoslavia in 1991 reopened the issue of the future of the territory of the Vardar Macedonia – a Serbian-Yugoslav part of a geographic-historic Macedonia given to the Kingdom of Serbia by the Bucharest Peace Treaty on August 10th, 1913. A successor the “Republic of Macedonia” has been proclaimed as an independent state in November 1991 but it did not receive an immediate universal international recognition either of its formal political independence or of its state’s flag and state’s name due to the obstruction by Greece.
Basically, after 1991 up today there are three main problems in regard to the “Macedonian Question”:
- Will Macedonian state’s territory be divided between the Slavic Macedonians and the ethnic Albanians (who are in reality probably up to 30% of Macedonia’s population)?;
- Will all members of international community recognize the name of the “Republic of Macedonia” (according to the Macedonian Constitution of 1991) or they will continue to call this country as it is today officially named by the UNO – the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” (the FYROM); and
- Will the FYROM has territorial pretensions on other parts of a geographic-historic Macedonia included into Greece (the “Aegean Macedonia”) and Bulgaria (the “Pirin Macedonia”) after the Second Balkan War in 1913?
The Macedonian independence from 1991 created an extremely tense relationship with the Greek Government since Macedonia developed rival claims for ethnicity and statehood. This rivalry was epitomized in a dispute about the state’s name, as Greece objected to the use of “Macedonia”, whose historical heritage it claimed. These two countries eventually recognized each other in 1995, and the Greek economic blockade against Macedonia was lifted. The destiny of a current deal between Skopje and Athens on the state-name of the FYROM (the “North Macedonia”) is extremely obscure and uncertain due to the very fact that FYROM’s Slavic Macedonians and overwhelming majority of Greece’s citizens are, in fact, opposing the deal for their own different political, historical and cultural reasons. Therefore, the deal is only supported by the corrupted Governments of both the FYROM and Greece but having a full political support by the Western “math-gangsters” who are going to re-activate “Kosovo syndrome” in Macedonia in order to pack the country into both the NATO and the EU with a fundamental help by Macedonia’s ethnic Albanians who will, as a matter of compensation, receive either a separate national-political territory (state within a state) or even a quasi-independence according to Kosovo’s pattern.
Nevertheless, the crucial problem in this country is that the ethnic makeup of the FYROM continued to change as the Albanian refugees poured in from Kosovo and Albania increasing the size of the Albanian minority, de facto, to 30%. Tensions were increased through the worsening economic situation, which escalated as a result of international sanctions and the war against its main trading partner – ex-Yugoslavia. As the situation in Kosovo escalated and war erupted in 1998−1999, Macedonia became an important stronghold for the moderate Albanian opposition from Kosovo, but also for the rebel Kosovo’s Liberation Army (the KLA). Extremely encouraged by the recognition of the Albanian required rights in Kosovo from June 1999 by the West, the Albanian minority in West Macedonia became more assertive and politically aggressive, in fact, politically terrorizing a central Government in Skopje especially after the Ohrid Framework Agreement was signed in 2001. Following violent clashes in 2001 between the Macedonian police forces and the (Kosovo’s) Albanian rebels, the NATO followed the plea of the pro-Western Macedonian Government and increased its presence in this South Balkan country. A higher scale of a civil war was narrowly avoided in 2001 when the Macedonian Parliament in Skopje agreed but under the direct Western (the EU/USA) pressure and blackmailing, great concessions granting linguistic and limited political autonomy to the Albanian minority in Macedonia. In return, the KLA’s rebels in Macedonia (under the official name of the Albanian National Army – the ANA) agreed to give up their arms to the NATO’s troops – a gesture that was done more for the TV screens as the main guns’ arsenal of the KLA was returned back to Kosovo to be re-activated in Macedonia once again on May 9−10th, 2015 regardless on the presence of the NATO’s peace-keeping troops in Macedonia which arrived there already in the early 1990s following the plea of the Macedonian Government after the violent clashes between Macedonia’s police and the Albanian rebels.
The “Macedonian Question” after the 2001 KLA’s rebellion in Macedonia primarily was depending on solving the “Kosovo Question”. In the other words, it was logically expected that in the case of “international” (i.e., the Western) recognition of Kosovo self-proclaimed and by the West sponsored quasi-independence after February 17th, 2008 the Albanians from the West FYROM (likely followed by their compatriots from the East Montenegro) will follow a Kosovo’s example of regional revolution for the sake of getting territorial-national independence with a final aim to join a Greater Albania as it was clearly noticed even in 1997 by at that time Kosovo’s Albanian leader (later on the “President” of Kosovo) Dr. Ibrahim Rugova and confirmed by Albania’s PM, Edi Rama in May 2015. Now we are in the process of practical realization of a Greater Albania project that was designed for the first time by the Muslim pro-Albanian First Prizren League in 1878. Or better to say, we are today dealing with the revival of a Greater Albania created by Mussolini in 1941 – a real state that existed until the end of the WWII. A difference is only that the WWII Greater Albania was sponsored by the Western Nazi-fascism while a present-day Greater Albania is backed by the Western self-proclaimed liberal democracies.
Any Macedonia’s move towards the friendly relations with Russia is immediately obstructed and punished by Macedonia’s colonial masters – the EU/NATO. For instance, Macedonia’s Government of Nikola Gruevski (PM from 2006 and a leader of the VMRO-DPMNE) was punished in May 2015 by the US-led NATO’s World Order by re-activating the NATO’s sponsored and protected KLA in Macedonia for two reasons:
- A Macedonian policy not to introduce sanctions against Russia.
- A Macedonian wish to join Russia’s sponsored the “Turkish Stream” of supplying Europe with the Siberian gas.
Nevertheless, the re-activation of the KLA’s fighters from Kosovo in the area of Kumanovo in the FYROM in 2015 had and its “Greek” dimension. As at that time a Greek Government was becoming more closer to Russia the policy of Kosovization of Macedonia was properly used and against Greece as an instrument of punishing the Greek pro-Russian policy. Namely, a summer holiday tourism is for Greece one of the most important incomes for the national budget per year. As a huge number of the European tourists are coming to Greece by the highway that is crossing Serbia, Macedonia and exactly the Kumanovo area it was quite expectable that in the case of the conflicting political-military situation in the FYROM the European tourists will simply quit an idea to visit Greece taking into the account two fundamental reasons:
- They have to cross the conflicting area in Macedonia.
- The conflict in Macedonia can spill over to Greece itself and most probably to Serbia – a country also on their road to Greece.
Finally, the armed KLA’s rebellion in May 2015 against the state of Macedonia was used only as a pretext for the realization of the final political aim in this Balkan country: to change the Government in Skopje by the colored revolution like in Belgrade in October 2000. Similarly to Serbia after October 2000, a new post-revolution Macedonian Government was expected by its Western sponsors to transform Macedonia into another client state of the post-Cold War NATO’s World Order. In other words, a current political post-referendum stalemate in Macedonia can be tried to be solved by the Western “math-gangsters” according to already applied and workable recipe of the Kosovization with the regional ethnic Albanians as the main actors. However, if this scenario is going to be realized can depend and on another player in the Balkan affairs – Russia by using a Syrian recipe of beating the Western “math-gangsters”.
© Vladislav B. Sotirović 2018
 On this issue, see [L. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World, Princeton, 1995].
 M. Glenny, The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804−1999, New York: Viking, 1999, 156.
 On the Macedonian front, see [G. W. Price, The Story of the Salonika Army, London 1918].
 On the terrorism by IMRO, see [A. Londres, Terror in the Balkans, London, 1935].
 On this issue, see [S. E. Palmer, R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, Connecticut, 1971].
 On the question of the ethnic background of the Macedonians, see [H. N. Brailsford, Macedonia – Its Races and Their Future, London, 1906; H. Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, London, 1995]. On the Bulgarian standpoint, see [Macedonia: Documents and Material, Sofia, 1974].
 On the Greek point of view, see [N. K. Martis, The Falsification of Macedonian History, Athens, 1984]. The fact is that the ancient “Macedonians were located between the Thracians and the Greeks, inhabiting the fertile plains drained by the Vardar and Struma rivers. From antiquity to the present the question has been debated as to whether these early Macedonians were Greeks or barbarians” [L. S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453, New York: Rinehart & Company, Inc., 1958, 18]. However, the Macedonian kings and aristocracy have been the Greeks in language, culture, and outlook who were inviting the Greeks of learning from the Greek world to their courts. On the Macedonian point of view, see [S. Konechni, V. Georgieva, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, Skopje, 1998].
 J. L. Holzgrefe, R. O. Keohane (eds.), Humanitarian Intervention. Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas, Cambridge−New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005, 1. On the legal aspect of the humanitarian intervention, see [Ch. Gray, International Law and the Use of Force. Fully Updated Second Edition, Oxford−New York, Oxford University Press, 2004].
 Majority of the Kosovo Albanian “refugees” during the Kosovo War 1998−1999 were not real refugees as they left their homes under the agreement with the KLA in order to show to the mainstream western mass media how the Serbian Government is oppressive against the Kosovo ethnic Albanians.
 H. Hofbauer, Eksperiment Kosovo: Povratak kolonijalizma, Beograd: Albatros Plus, 2009.
 On the Islamization of Kosovo, see [http://global-politics.eu/kosovostan].
 Д. Т. Батаковић, Косово и Метохија: Историја и идеологија, Друго допуњено издање, Београд: Чигоја штампа, 2007, 198.
 В. Ћоровић, Наше победе, Београд: Култура, 1990, 82.
 On the NATO, Balkans, and Russia after 1991, see [V. B. Sotirović, “The NATO’s World Order, the Balkans and the Russian National Interest”, International Journal of Politics & Law Research, Vol. 3, № 1, Sciknow Publications Ltd., New York, NY, 2015]
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